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Egypt’s connection with the Gaza Strip runs deep, dating back to the 1948 Arab-Israeli War when Cairo took over administration of the territory. From then until Israel’s occupation in 1967, Egypt managed Gaza’s affairs.
After the territory fell under Israeli control, Egypt, its closest Arab neighbor, remained the traditional defender of the Palestinian cause. Even after signing its peace treaty with Israel in 1979, Cairo continued to advocate for the right of Palestinians to self-determination.
Egypt, once Gaza’s ruler and still one of the strongest voices defending the Palestinian people, carries a historical legacy that continues to guide its policy today.
Following the attacks by Hamas against Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, and during the subsequent war in Gaza, Egypt moved immediately to alleviate the suffering in the territory, while imposing strict limits on its own involvement.
On the very first day, President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi declared that any forced displacement of Gazans into Sinai would amount to “the liquidation of the Palestinian cause” and marked it as a “red line” that must not be crossed.
Cairo swiftly coordinated with the UN and other international partners to open the Rafah crossing for deliveries of humanitarian aid, facilitating relief convoys as well as the evacuation of foreign nationals from the territory.
On Oct. 21, 2023, the first UN convoy carrying food and medicine into Gaza entered through Rafah, and Egypt subsequently worked to expand the relief operation despite the Israeli blockade. Cairo publicly accused Israeli authorities of obstructing aid deliveries, insisting that Israel, as the occupying power, bore legal responsibility for allowing humanitarian assistance to enter.
After Israel took control of the Gazan side of the Rafah crossing in May 2024, Egyptian authorities kept the crossing closed and stated that only the Palestinian Authority should manage it. Cairo reaffirmed that no large-scale displacement of Palestinians from Gaza into Egyptian territory would be permitted, continuing to stand by the “red line” El-Sisi had drawn.
Egypt’s security intervention, therefore, remains purely defensive, focused on protecting Sinai and preventing refugee flows rather than interfering in, or taking control of, Gaza.
Despite these constraints, Egypt continued to facilitate the passage of aid into Gaza. By the middle of this year dozens of Egyptian trucks were entering the territory with supplies. Cairo allowed aid funded by the UN, ��������, Qatar, and the UAE to pass through its territory, and introduced inspection procedures to reassure Israel. Egypt also set up power lines and water pipelines from Sinai to ease the humanitarian crisis. It maintained strict oversight to ensure no materials reached Hamas, in line with Israeli conditions.
Analysts observe that Cairo is trying to strike a delicate balance: the alleviation of human suffering without any appearance of support for Hamas or overstepping the political boundaries.
Egypt also assumed a leading diplomatic role in efforts to secure a ceasefire agreement. Since October 2023 it has engaged in shuttle diplomacy between Hamas, Israel, the US, and Qatar. It co-drafted ceasefire proposals in late 2023 and, alongside Qatar, helped broker the first temporary truce in November that year, facilitating prisoner exchanges and limited aid access. 

Egypt’s policy rests on a finely balanced equation, one that combines solidarity with the Palestinians with the preservation of Egyptian sovereignty.

Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy

In January 2025, Cairo, Doha, and Washington mediated a formal ceasefire agreement that held until March and included phased Israeli withdrawals, expanded humanitarian corridors, and the return of displaced Palestinians. Cairo served as the “central pillar” of the accord and hosted the negotiations.
In October, Egypt hosted the Sharm El-Sheikh summit, chaired by El-Sisi and attended by more than 20 Arab and Western leaders, who endorsed a US-led peace plan. Together, the Washington-backed truce and the international summit solidified Egypt’s standing as an indispensable mediator in the Gaza issue.
Nevertheless, Cairo has faced harsh criticism on several fronts. Some Palestinians and Arab media outlets accuse Egypt of marginalizing Gaza or cooperating with Israel, especially regarding reports of delays or irregularities at the Rafah crossing. Egypt responded that it remains fully committed to supporting the Palestinian people but must prioritize its own national security and interests.
Israeli officials accused Egypt of bearing responsibility for the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Cairo responded sharply, emphasizing the fact that its side of the Rafah crossing had never been closed and that Israel, as the occupying power, bears legal responsibility for the flow of aid.
When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused Egypt of “imprisoning” Gazans by sealing the border, Cairo issued a strongly worded statement condemning his remarks as “distorted,” and reaffirming its absolute rejection of any forced displacement of Palestinians.
Egypt has therefore sought to defend its position as a protector of Palestinian rights, not a conspirator against them, stressing that the real solution lies in ending the war and rebuilding Gaza, not uprooting its population.
Cairo’s approach is defined by its attempt to balance regional responsibility with the need to avoid entanglement. It shoulders its duties by facilitating humanitarian relief efforts, organizing aid convoys, treating wounded children in Egyptian hospitals, and supplying Gaza with electricity and water.
It has acted as a political mediator between Israel and Palestinian factions, often in coordination with the US and Qatar, and has consistently opposed any forced displacement while supporting a two-state solution. From the outset, Egypt offered to contribute to Gaza’s reconstruction through donor conferences and logistical assistance.
At the same time, it sets firm boundaries to prevent over-involvement. It refuses to send troops into Gaza, its military presence limited to securing the Sinai border. It also rejects any en masse hosting of refugees or the transformation of Sinai into a Palestinian refuge, viewing such a scenario as a “new Nakba.”
Egypt insists that the governance of Gaza must remain Palestinian, and recognizes the Palestinian Authority as the sole legitimate body for managing the territory and its crossings. It insists on working as part of international partnerships, assigning responsibility for the funding of humanitarian and reconstruction efforts to the UN, the US, the EU, and Gulf donors.
Maintaining its peace treaty with Israel remains a key objective and Cairo continues its security coordination efforts to avoid any escalation that could jeopardize the 1979 accord.
Egypt’s engagement in Gaza is, therefore, primarily diplomatic, humanitarian, and logistical in nature, rather than military or administrative. It works to ease suffering, broker ceasefires, and support reconstruction, while resisting any other involvement that might undermine its sovereignty or national security.
In this sense, Cairo supports Gaza without becoming engulfed in its crisis, while adhering to its “red lines” of no displacement, no occupation, and no direct administration.
Egypt’s role remains pivotal but carefully limited. No durable solution for Gaza can succeed without its involvement, yet Cairo acts with caution to avoid becoming a party to the conflict rather than a mediator.
At its core, Egypt’s policy rests on a finely balanced equation, one that combines solidarity with the Palestinians with the preservation of Egyptian stability and sovereignty.

• Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy has covered conflicts worldwide.
X: @ALMenawy