Gaza mother clings to her sick daughter after losing twin babies in midst of war
Gaza mother clings to her sick daughter after losing twin babies in midst of war/node/2617524/middle-east
Gaza mother clings to her sick daughter after losing twin babies in midst of war
Nancy Abu Matroud shelters by a roadside with her husband Faraj al Ghalayini and their daughter Etra, in the central Gaza Strip. (Reuters)
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Updated 43 sec ago
Reuters
Gaza mother clings to her sick daughter after losing twin babies in midst of war
A deadly mix of disease, displacement, lack of medical care and malnutrition has beset most Gazan families during the almost two-year-old war, but the turmoil has placed a particular burden on young children and pregnant women such as Abu Matroud
Updated 43 sec ago
Reuters
GAZA: Nancy Abu Matroud has already lost three children during Gaza’s war.
Now, the Palestinian mother, 22, is fighting to save her daughter, Etra — a two-year-old cancer patient newly deprived of vital medical care: the children’s hospital treating her shut down last month during Israel’s latest offensive in Gaza City.
“We are just asking for a shelter,” Abu Matroud said. “I don’t want to lose the daughter I still have.”
A deadly mix of disease, displacement, lack of medical care and malnutrition has beset most Gazan families during the almost two-year-old war, but the turmoil has placed a particular burden on young children and pregnant women such as Abu Matroud. She was six months pregnant with twins when, fleeing Israeli bombardment in Gaza City last month, she arrived in the central Gaza Strip after three days of walking, she said, along with her husband and Etra.
After the family reached Al Nuwairi area, her belly started to hurt and her waters broke, Abu Matroud recounted. She gave birth to her twins prematurely.
One of the twins died in Al-Awda Hospital in nearby Nuseirat. The second child was transferred to the infants’ department in Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital. After two days, that child also died, said a spokesperson for Al-Aqsa hospital, Khalil Al-Daqran.
NOT ENOUGH HOSPITAL EQUIPMENT
Premature babies are exceptionally vulnerable to the pressures of Gaza’s war; in particular, there are not enough incubators and ventilators available to keep them alive, according to Jonathan Crickx, a spokesperson for UNICEF State of Palestine.
“There is an increase in the number of babies who are born premature,” he told Reuters. “The incubators needed to keep the baby in a protective environment... the ventilators that help them to develop their lungs, all of this equipment is not available in sufficient quantities today in the Gaza Strip.”
The children’s father, Faraj Al-Ghalayini, 53, sits in the dirt by the side of a street, heating a can of chickpeas for two-year-old Etra on a fire he made using twigs.
“What is our fault? We have nothing to do with this. What is the fault of our children?” he said.
“God gave me a daughter, she is two years old now, and I was waiting for these two coming twins.”
Now the parents don’t know what will happen to their curly-haired daughter, who sits on a blanket on the roadside in a grubby stripy t-shirt and plays with a rag doll.
“We don’t know what to do, no one asks about us — no nation nor those from our own care about us,” said Al-Ghalayini.
With resources exhausted amidst nonstop Israeli shelling, hospitals in Gaza have been forced to shut down. Only 14 out of 35 hospitals in the enclave are functioning, and those only partially, Crickx said.
The Israeli military told Reuters it continues to take steps to enable the provision of medical care and the ongoing activity of medical institutions in the Gaza Strip, in coordination with international humanitarian organizations.
DISPLACEMENT AND FAMINE
Most of the enclave’s around 2.2 million population have been displaced between the north and south several times during the war. Women moving from one place to another with no proper care are at a higher risk of undergoing premature birth, with malnutrition exacerbating the situation.
Famine was declared in Gaza City, the enclave’s largest urban center, in August by global hunger monitor IPC, before Israel unleashed a long-threatened ground assault on the city, deepening the humanitarian crisis.
“UNICEF has treated in the month of August 13,000 (children) below the age of five for acute malnutrition, it is a very big number — among them, babies, premature babies,” Crickx added.
Abu Matroud said her four-year-old son from a previous marriage went missing at the beginning of the war. Losing the twins was another unbearable tragedy.
“I named the boy and the girl,” said Abu Matroud, who named her twins Mahmoud and Farida.
Israeli bulldozers in West Bank carve up hopes for Palestinian state
Israel builds bypass roads, isolating Palestinian villages
New roads seen as land grab, expanding occupation
Updated 9 sec ago
Reuters
NEAR RAMALLAH, West Bank: As US President Donald Trump announced a plan this week to end the Gaza war and suggested a possible path to a Palestinian state, Ashraf Samara in the Israeli-occupied West Bank watched bulldozers around his village help bury his hopes for statehood. Surrounded by armed security guards, the Israeli machinery shoved aside earth to create new routes for Jewish settlements, carving up the land around Samara’s village of Beit Ur Al-Fauqa and creating new barriers to movement for Palestinians. “This is to prevent the residents from reaching and using this land,” said Samara, a member of his village council. He said the move would “trap the villages and the residential communities” by confining them exclusively to the areas they live in. With each new road that makes movement for Jewish settlers easier, Palestinians in the West Bank who are usually barred from using the routes face fresh hurdles in reaching nearby towns, workplaces or agricultural land. More nations recognize Palestinian state as settlements expand While several major European countries, including Britain and France, in September joined an expanding list of nations recognizing a Palestinian state, Israeli settlements on the West Bank have been expanding at an increasingly rapid pace under Prime Minister Netanyahu’s government as the Gaza war has raged. Palestinians and most nations regard settlements as illegal under international law. Israel disputes this. Hagit Ofran, a member of the Israeli activist group Peace Now, said new roads being bulldozed around Beit Ur Al-Fauqa and beyond were a bid by Israel to control more Palestinian land. “They are doing it in order to set facts on the ground. As much as they have the power, they will spend the money,” she said, adding that Israel had allocated seven billion shekels ($2.11 billion) to build roads in the West Bank since the October 2023 Hamas attacks that sparked Israel’s war in Gaza. Israeli settlements, which have grown in size and number since Israel captured the West Bank in the 1967 war, stretch deep into the territory, backed by a system of roads and other infrastructure under Israeli control. Israeli rights group B’Tselem, in a 2004 report, described this network of roads and bypasses to settlements built over several decades as “Israel’s Discriminatory Road Regime.” The group said some roads aimed to place a physical barrier to stifle Palestinian urban development. Netanyahu’s office and the Israeli military did not immediately respond to requests for comment. The Yesha Council, a body that represents West Bank settlers, also did not immediately reply to a request for comment. Before Trump’s Gaza plan was announced, Netanyahu declared: “There will never be a Palestinian state,” speaking as he approved a project last month to expand construction between the West Bank settlement of Maale Adumim and Jerusalem. His finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, said of the same project that it would “bury” the idea of a Palestinian state. Trump’s Gaza plan to end the war, which Netanyahu approved, outlines a potential pathway to Palestinian statehood, but the conditions it lays down to achieve that mean such an outcome is far from guaranteed, analysts say. “What the government is now doing is setting the infrastructure for the million settlers that they want to attract to the West Bank,” Ofran said. “Without roads, they cannot do it. If you have a road, eventually, almost naturally, the settlers will come.”
Lebanon says 2 dead in Israeli strike/node/2617516/middle-east
Israel has kept up near daily strikes on Lebanon, usually saying it is targeting Hezbollah operatives or sites, despite the truce that sought to end more than a year of hostilities including two months of open war with the Iran backed group
Updated 02 October 2025
AFP
BEIRUT: Lebanon said two people were killed in an Israeli strike on the country’s south on Thursday, the latest deadly attack despite a November ceasefire between Israel and militant group Hezbollah.
“The Israeli enemy strike that targeted a vehicle on the Jarmak-Khardali road led to a preliminary toll of two dead and another wounded,” Lebanon’s health ministry said in a statement.
The area is located around 10 kilometers (six miles) from the Israeli border.
Israel has kept up near daily strikes on Lebanon, usually saying it is targeting Hezbollah operatives or sites, despite the truce that sought to end more than a year of hostilities including two months of open war with the Iran-backed group.
It has also kept troops in five areas of south Lebanon that it deems strategic.
On Wednesday, the health ministry said one person was killed and five others wounded in an Israeli strike on the south.
The United Nations said it had verified the deaths of 103 civilians in Lebanon since the ceasefire, demanding a halt to the suffering.
Under intense US pressure and fears of expanded Israeli military action, the Lebanese government is seeking to disarm Hezbollah and the army has drawn up a plan to do so beginning in the country’s south.
Hezbollah is the only major armed group allowed to keep its weapons following Lebanon’s civil war, doing so in the name of resistance against Israel, and has warned it will not surrender its arms.
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How Syria’s first elections since autocrat Assad’s ouster is expected to unfold
Under the 50-year rule of the Assad dynasty, Syria held regular elections in which all Syrian citizens could vote
But in practice, the Assad-led Baath Party always dominated the parliament, and the votes were widely regarded as sham elections
Updated 02 October 2025
AP
BEIRUT: Syria is set to hold parliamentary elections on Sunday for the first time since the fall of the country’s longtime autocratic leader, Bashar Assad, who was unseated in a rebel offensive in December.
Under the 50-year rule of the Assad dynasty, Syria held regular elections in which all Syrian citizens could vote. But in practice, the Assad-led Baath Party always dominated the parliament, and the votes were widely regarded as sham elections.
Outside election analysts said the only truly competitive part of the process came before election day – with the internal primary system in the Baath Party, when party members jockeyed for positions on the list.
The elections to be held on Sunday, however, will not be a fully democratic process either. Rather, most of the People’s Assembly seats will be voted on by electoral colleges in each district, while one third of the seats will be directly appointed by interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa.
Despite not being a popular vote, the election results will likely be taken as a barometer of how serious the interim authorities are about inclusivity, particularly of women and minorities.
Here’s a breakdown of how the elections will work and what to watch. How the system works
The People’s Assembly has 210 seats, of which two-thirds will be elected on Sunday and one-third appointed. The elected seats are voted upon by electoral colleges in districts throughout the country, with the number of seats for each district distributed by population.
In theory, a total of 7,000 electoral college members in 60 districts – chosen from a pool of applicants in each district by committees appointed for the purpose – should vote for 140 seats.
However, the elections in Sweida province and in areas of the northeast controlled by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces have been indefinitely postponed due to tensions between the local authorities in those areas and the central government in Damascus, meaning that those seats will remain empty.
In practice, therefore, around 6,000 electoral college members will vote in 50 districts for about 120 seats.
The largest district is the one containing the city of Aleppo, where 700 electoral college members will vote to fill 14 seats, followed by the city of Damascus, with 500 members voting for 10 seats.
All candidates come from the membership of the electoral colleges.
Following Assad’s ouster, the interim authorities dissolved all existing political parties, most of which were closely affiliated with the Assad government, and have not yet set up a system for new parties to register, so all candidates are running as individuals. Why no popular vote
The interim authorities have said that it would be impossible to create an accurate voter registry and conduct a popular vote at this stage, given that millions of Syrians were internally or externally displaced by the country’s nearly 14-year civil war and many have lost personal documents.
This parliament will have a 30-month term, during which the government is supposed to prepare the ground for a popular vote in the next elections.
The lack of a popular vote has drawn criticism of being undemocratic, but some analysts say the government’s reasons are legitimate.
“We don’t even know how many Syrians are in Syria today,” because of the large number of displaced people, said Benjamin Feve, a senior research analyst at the Syria-focused Karam Shaar Advisory consulting firm.
“It would be really difficult to draw electoral lists today in Syria,” or to arrange the logistics for Syrians in the diaspora to vote in their countries of residence, he said.
Haid Haid, a senior research fellow at the Arab Reform Initiative and the Chatham House think tank said that the more concerning issue was the lack of clear criteria under which electors were selected.
“Especially when it comes to choosing the subcommittees and the electoral colleges, there is no oversight, and the whole process is sort of potentially vulnerable to manipulation,” he said.
There have been widespread objections after electoral authorities “removed names from the initial lists that were published, and they did not provide detailed information as to why those names were removed,” he said. Questions about inclusivity
There is no set quota for representation of women and religious or ethnic minorities in the parliament.
Women were required to make up 20 percent of electoral college members, but that did not guarantee that they would make up a comparable percentage of candidates or of those elected.
State-run news agency SANA, citing the head of the national elections committee, Mohammed Taha Al-Ahmad, reported that women made up 14 percent of the 1,578 candidates who made it to the final lists. In some districts, women make up 30 or 40 percent of all candidates, while in others, there are no female candidates.
Meanwhile, the exclusion of the Druze-majority Sweida province and Kurdish-controlled areas in the northeast as well as the lack of set quotas for minorities has raised questions about representation of communities that are not part of the Sunni Arab national majority.
The issue is particularly sensitive after outbreaks of sectarian violence in recent months in which hundreds of civilians from the Alawite and Druze minorities were killed, many of them by government-affiliated fighters.
Feve noted that electoral districts had been drawn in such a way as to create minority-majority districts.
“What the government could have done if it wanted to limit the number of minorities, it could have merged these districts or these localities with majority Sunni Muslim districts,” he said. “They could have basically drowned the minorities which is what they didn’t do.”
Officials have also pointed to the one-third of parliament directly appointed by Al-Sharaa as a mechanism to “ensure improvement in the inclusivity of the legislative body,” Haid said. The idea is that if few women or minorities are elected by the electoral colleges, the president would include a higher percentage in his picks.
The lack of representation of Sweida and the northeast remains problematic, Haid said – even if Al-Sharaa appoints legislators from those areas.
“The bottom line is that regardless of how many people will be appointed from those areas, the dispute between the de facto authorities and Damascus over their participation in the political process will remain a major issue,” he said.
International protests and diplomatic tensions arise
Updated 39 min 46 sec ago
Reuters
Israeli forces have stopped 14 boats carrying foreign activists and aid bound for Gaza, but 30 boats are continuing to sail toward the war-ravaged Palestinian enclave, flotilla organizers said on Thursday.
A video from the Israeli foreign ministry verified by Reuters showed the most prominent of the flotilla’s passengers, Swedish climate campaigner Greta Thunberg, sitting on a deck surrounded by soldiers.
“Several vessels of the Hamas-Sumud flotilla have been safely stopped and their passengers are being transferred to an Israeli port,” the Israeli foreign ministry said on X. “Greta and her friends are safe and healthy.”
The Global Sumud Flotilla, transporting medicine and food to Gaza, consists of more than 40 civilian boats with about 500 parliamentarians, lawyers and activists.
The flotilla put out several videos on Telegram with messages from individuals aboard the various boats, some holding their passports and claiming they were abducted and taken to Israel against their will, and reiterating that their mission was a non-violent humanitarian cause.
The flotilla is the most high-profile symbol of opposition to Israel’s blockade of Gaza.
Its progress across the Mediterranean Sea garnered international attention as nations including Turkiye, Spain and Italy sent boats or drones in case their nationals required assistance, even as it triggered repeated warnings from Israel to turn back.
Turkiye’s foreign ministry called Israel’s “attack” on the flotilla “an act of terror” that endangered the lives of innocent civilians.
Colombian President Gustavo Petro ordered the expulsion of Israel’s entire diplomatic delegation on Wednesday following the detention of two Colombians in the flotilla. Israel has not had an ambassador in Colombia since last year.
Petro called the detentions a potential “new international crime” by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and demanded the release of the Colombians. He also terminated Colombia’s free trade agreement with Israel.
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim on Thursday condemned Israel’s interception of the flotilla, adding Israeli forces had detained eight Malaysians.
“By blocking a humanitarian mission, Israel has shown utter contempt not only for the rights of the Palestinian people but also for the conscience of the world,” Anwar, whose country is predominantly Muslim, said in a statement.
Israel’s interception of the flotilla sparked protests in Italy and Colombia. Italian unions called a general strike for Friday in solidarity with the international aid flotilla.
Brazil has condemned issued the Israeli navy interception of the Gaza-bound, with several Brazilian nationals on board including a lawmaker.
Brazil “deplores the Israeli government’s military action, which violates rights and endangers the physical well-being of peaceful protesters,” the foreign ministry said in a statement.
“The responsibility for the safety of those detained now rests with Israel,” it added.
Brazilian Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira earlier said his government had communicated “directly” to Israel its concern for the 15 Brazilians taking part in the flotilla, who include deputy Luizianne Lins.
Israel’s navy had previously warned the flotilla it was approaching an active combat zone and violating a lawful blockade, and asked them to change course. It had offered to transfer any aid peacefully through safe channels to Gaza.
30 boats sailing towards Gaza
The flotilla is the latest sea-borne attempt to break Israel’s blockade of Gaza, much of which has been turned into a wasteland by almost two years of war.
The flotilla’s organizers denounced Wednesday’s raid as a “war crime.” They said the military used aggressive tactics, including the use of water cannon, but that no one was harmed.
“Multiple vessels ... were illegally intercepted and boarded by Israeli Occupation Forces in international waters,” the organizers said in a statement.
The boats were about 70 nautical miles off the war-ravaged enclave when they were intercepted, inside a zone that Israel is policing to stop any boats approaching. The organizers said their communications had been scrambled, including the use of a live camera feed from some of the boats. According to the flotilla’s ship tracking data, 13 boats had been intercepted or stopped as of early Thursday. Organizers have remained defiant, saying in a statement that the flotilla “will continue undeterred.”
Thirty boats were still sailing toward Gaza, flotilla organizers said in a post on Telegram early on Thursday, stating they were 46 nautical miles away from their destination.
The flotilla had hoped to arrive in Gaza on Thursday morning if it was not intercepted.
Israeli officials have repeatedly denounced the mission as a stunt.
“This systematic refusal (to hand over the aid) demonstrates that the objective is not humanitarian, but provocative,” Jonathan Peled, the Israeli ambassador to Italy, said in a post on X.
Israel has imposed a naval blockade on Gaza since Hamas took control of the coastal enclave in 2007 and there have been several previous attempts by activists to deliver aid by sea.
In 2010, nine activists were killed after Israeli soldiers boarded a flotilla of six ships manned by 700 pro-Palestinian activists from 50 countries.
In June this year, Israeli naval forces detained Thunberg and 11 crew members from a small ship organized by a pro-Palestinian group called the Freedom Flotilla Coalition as they approached Gaza.
Israel began its Gaza offensive after the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack on Israel in which some 1,200 people were killed and 251 taken as hostages back to Gaza, according to Israeli tallies. The offensive has killed over 65,000 people in Gaza, Gaza health authorities say.
What new polling reveals about Palestinian pessimism and fading support for Hamas
A new poll shows optimism collapsing among Palestinians, with majorities voicing deep pessimism about the future and Gaza conflict
Support for Hamas has fallen sharply since Oct. 7, 2023, while most Palestinians express mistrust in all political factions and leaders
Updated 02 October 2025
ANAN TELLO & ROBERT EDWARDS
LONDON: Public opinion among Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem has undergone a pronounced shift, according to a recent poll conducted by the Jerusalem Media and Communications Center.
Almost two years after the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack on Israel that triggered the war in Gaza, the survey presents a stark portrait of declining optimism, dwindling support for extremist factions, deep dissatisfaction with the Palestinian Authority, and growing questions over the future governance and the social fabric of the occupied Palestinian territories.
The poll, based on face-to-face interviews with a random sample of 715 adults in the West Bank and East Jerusalem between Sept. 4 and 8, reveals a sharp decline in optimism among Palestinians regarding both the future of their society and the trajectory of the ongoing war.
Palestinians wave their national flag and celebrate by a destroyed Israeli tank at the southern Gaza Strip fence east of Khan Younis on Saturday, Oct. 7, 2023. (AP)
Just 5.5 percent of respondents describe themselves as “very optimistic” and 35.5 percent as “optimistic” about Palestinians’ future, while 27.1 percent are “pessimistic” and 31.3 percent “very pessimistic.”
“Given the extent of the genocide, the famine, what is going on in the West Bank, with the orgy of settlement building, home demolitions, forced dispossession, among other things, I don’t think it’s at all surprising that optimism is in short supply,” Chris Doyle, director of the London-based Council for Arab-British Understanding, told Arab News.
This climate of uncertainty is mirrored by a shift in how Palestinians assess the likely outcome of the ongoing conflict; just 25.9 percent believe the war will end in Hamas’s favor, down from a resounding 67.1 percent in October 2023. A plurality, 46.3 percent, expect neither side will achieve a definitive victory.
This pessimism is perhaps most visible in attitudes toward the actions of Hamas on Oct. 7, 2023, when its militants breached the southern Israeli border in several places and went on to kill 1,200 people and take 250 hostage.
The attack triggered a massive Israeli retaliation in Gaza that has devastated the territory’s infrastructure, displaced 1.9 million people, killed at least 66,000 according to Palestinian health officials, and resulted in what a growing chorus of international observers are calling a genocide.
Displaced Palestinians move with their belongings southwards on a road in the Nuseirat refugee camp area in the central Gaza Strip on September 24, 2025, as Israel presses its air and ground offensive to capture Gaza City. (AFP)
While in September 2024 a near-majority (45 percent) said the Oct. 7 attack had served Palestinian national interests, that figure has now fallen to 30.9 percent. The proportion who said the attack harmed Palestinian interests has risen from 30.2 percent in May last year to 35.2 percent. Just over a quarter, 25.9 percent, believe the attack neither served nor harmed the national cause.
“The results are not surprising because they reflect the reality that the actions of Hamas have resulted in so much death and destruction among Palestinians,” Brian Katulis, a senior fellow at the non-partisan Middle East Institute, told Arab News.
“Most ordinary Palestinians want a sense of security, dignity and decency in their lives, and Hamas never provided the leadership necessary to achieve those things.
“The last two years underscored how delusional the leadership of Hamas was and how out of touch it is with the Palestinian street.”
The prolonged devastation of the war in Gaza has eroded not only public optimism but also popular support for Hamas. (AFP)
Yossi Mekelberg, a senior consulting fellow with the Middle East and North Africa Programme at think tank Chatham House in London, echoed this assessment.
“I don’t find the decline in support for Hamas surprising,” he told Arab News. “After all, regardless of the unjustified Israeli disproportionate response to Oct. 7, 2023, the Hamas attack has brought a horrific calamity on its own people, and it is ordinary people who pay the price.”
The prolonged devastation of the war in Gaza has eroded not only public optimism but also popular support for Hamas. Trust in the group, which has governed Gaza since 2007, has collapsed from 18.7 percent in October 2023 to just 8.5 percent.
Conversely, although trust in Fatah, which controls the Palestinian Authority that governs the West Bank, remains low at 11 percent, it has increased from 7.1 percent. A striking 68.5 percent do not trust any political faction at all.
No individual political figure commands broad respect, either. Marwan Barghouti, who was imprisoned by Israel in 2002 and is tipped as a potentially unifying leader, is the most trusted, at 5.3 percent, followed by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, at 3.9 percent, while 61 percent express no trust in any political leader.
Hamas leader Marwan Barghouti, who was imprisoned by Israel in 2002, is tipped as a potentially unifying leader. (AFP)
Support for “armed resistance” as the preferred path to achieving national goals also dropped, from 33.7 percent in September 2023 to 27.8 percent. In contrast, the proportion that sees peaceful negotiations as the best method to achieve Palestinian aims has surged from 25.7 percent to 44.8 percent during the same period.
Similarly, support for ongoing military operations against Israeli targets fell to 32 percent from 41.5 percent. Meanwhile, opposition to such operations increased from 43.2 percent to 56.9 percent.
These shifts hint at war fatigue and a deepening degree of skepticism over the value of armed confrontation.
Abdelrahman Ayyash, a nonresident fellow at policy research think tank Century International, said the decline in support for Hamas does not necessarily equate to rising support for Israel or the US; instead, it reflects a pervasive sense of pessimism about the future and the Palestinian leadership.
“After a year of genocide, pessimism is natural,” Ayyash told Arab News. “It does not mean Palestinians have abandoned resistance; rather, they are questioning whether Hamas can secure tangible results under current conditions.
A pervasive sense of pessimism prevaills among Palestinians in Gaza after suffering from two years of relentless bombardment. (AFP)
“Hamas seems to have calculated that Israel would prioritize the safe return of its hostages and therefore move toward a settlement. Instead, the Netanyahu government has repeatedly prioritized its vague ‘military objectives,’ even at the cost of Israeli captives.
“Combined with the repeated rejection of permanent ceasefire frameworks and unhinged escalatory actions such as the strike on Hamas leaders in Qatar, this has deepened disillusionment on the ground,” Ayyash continued.
“The JMCC poll captures this mood. At the same time, other surveys by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research show continued majorities blaming Israel and the US for Palestinian suffering, with pluralities still endorsing armed struggle over negotiations.
“These are numbers of frustration with leadership capacity, not sympathy for Israel.”
Palestinian fighters from the Ezzedine al-Qassam Brigades, the armed wing of Hamas, take part in the funeral ceremony in the war-devastated Bureij refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on February 7, 2025. (AFP)
Opinions among the West Bank public on the outlook for Gaza’s postwar political status are divided and evolving. Just 34.4 percent now expect Gaza to remain under the control of Hamas after the war, down from 52.2 percent in May last year.
There has been a significant increase in the number expecting an international administration (27.8 percent, up from 17.3 percent) to take control, while 14.8 percent think the Palestinian Authority might administer postwar Gaza.
In terms of preferences, nearly half (44.2 percent) would still prefer Hamas to remain in control — a notable, though reduced, share — while 26.4 percent want the PA to govern, and 18.7 percent support an international administration.
This tension between current expectation and political preference reflects both a sense of resignation in the face of prevailing dynamics, and long-standing distrust of the PA. Disenchantment with the PA is acute, as 73.3 percent are dissatisfied with its stance on the war in Gaza. Only 23.1 percent expressed satisfaction, and public perceptions of the PA’s performance are overwhelmingly negative: 55.8 percent rated its performance as bad or very bad, compared with the 41.8 percent who viewed it as good.
Abbas’s approval rating stands at a modest 34.4 percent, albeit this is an increase from 26.8 percent in September 2023. Satisfaction with the government has fallen, with 65.3 percent dissatisfied and only 26.4 percent satisfied.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. (AFP)
Prime Minister Mohammed Mustafa’s personal approval rating is also split, with 44.1 percent regarding his performance as bad.
The financial crisis affecting the PA is a major source of public anxiety. Nearly half (45.7 percent) of those polled believe the crisis could lead to the collapse of the authority, while 48.8 percent said they do not expect it to collapse.
In the event of collapse, 41.1 percent predict Israel would divide the West Bank into cantons, or separate administrative areas, 29.4 percent foresee chaos and insecurity, and 23.8 percent anticipate a return to direct Israeli administration.
Asked about responsibility for the crisis, Palestinians primarily blame Israel (48.7 percent), followed by the PA itself (36.6 percent), and donor countries (11.6 percent).
This distribution of blame underscores the perception of dominant Israeli control over Palestinian economic life, but also reveals how little faith there is in the competence or integrity of the PA’s own leadership.
Meanwhile, support for a two-state solution has diminished, with just 25.9 percent now in favor, down from 32 percent in May 2024. A single-state, binational solution is now the most popular preference, with 30.8 percent in favor, up from 25 percent in September 2024.
A pervasive sense of pessimism prevaills among Palestinians in Gaza after suffering from two years of relentless bombardment. (AFP)
Just over a quarter (25.3 percent) favor a generic “Palestinian state” without specifying a formula for this. Notably, 12.3 percent of people feel there is no solution to the conflict, a figure that speaks to the rising despair.
On the delicate topic of Palestinian unity, 59.6 percent doubt that reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas will occur in the next year. Blame for the ongoing division is widely spread: 14.4 percent hold Fatah accountable, only 3.5 percent blame Hamas, 25.9 percent fault both, 31 percent see the hand of Israel as decisive, and 10.2 percent blame the US.
One of the most consequential issues in regional geopolitics is the normalization of relations between Arabs and Israelis. The impact of the war has tilted expectations: 47.8 percent now believe the conflict will advance normalization projects, compared with just 38.5 percent in May 2024. Only 17.6 percent expect a setback to normalization efforts, down from 26 percent in May.
More than half of respondents (52.2 percent) believe that recent recognition of Palestinian statehood by European nations, including France and the UK, will have a positive impact, though 45.5 percent do not expect such recognition to change the situation materially.
In sum, the poll exposes a Palestinian public in the West Bank and East Jerusalem that is deeply divided and adrift between failed leadership, an unending state of conflict, and mounting economic pressures.
The data suggests a sense of war-weariness, a search for alternative strategies, and an overwhelming crisis of confidence in both political and institutional actors. However, Ayyash pointed out that public attitudes are liable to change.
A recent NYT-Siena poll found, for the first time, more Americans sympathizing with Palestinians than with Israelis. (X: @SienaResearch)
“It’s important to note that wartime polling is fragile; mass killings, displacement, famine, ongoing trauma and fear make opinion fluid,” he said.
“Pessimism today could shift again depending on battlefield or diplomatic developments, including any credible ceasefire, a change in Israel’s position, or even a renewed regional escalation.
“Internationally, however, Palestinian narratives have gained traction: A recent NYT-Siena poll found, for the first time, more Americans sympathizing with Palestinians than with Israelis.
“So even as Hamas faces declining support in Gaza, the broader narrative of Palestinian armed resistance is resonating globally in unprecedented ways.”