Hamas quietly reasserts control in Gaza as post-war talks grind on

Hamas quietly reasserts control in Gaza as post-war talks grind on
A Palestinian man shops at a market in Nuseirat, central Gaza Strip. (Reuters)
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Hamas quietly reasserts control in Gaza as post-war talks grind on

Hamas quietly reasserts control in Gaza as post-war talks grind on
  • Foreign powers demand the group disarm and leave government but have yet to agree who will replace them

CAIRO: From regulating the price of chicken to levying fees on cigarettes, Hamas is seeking to widen control over Gaza as US plans for its future slowly take shape, Gazans say, adding to rivals’ doubts over whether it will cede authority as promised.
After a ceasefire began last month, Hamas swiftly reestablished its hold over areas from which Israel withdrew, killing dozens of Palestinians it accused of collaborating with Israel, theft or other crimes. Foreign powers demand the group disarm and leave government but have yet to agree who will replace them.
Now, a dozen Gazans say they are increasingly feeling Hamas control in other ways. Authorities monitor everything coming into areas of Gaza held by Hamas, levying fees on some privately imported goods including fuel as well as cigarettes and fining merchants seen to be overcharging for goods, according to 10 of the Gazans, three of them merchants with direct knowledge.
Ismail Al-Thawabta, head of the media office of the Hamas government, said accounts of Hamas taxing cigarettes and fuel were inaccurate, denying the government was raising any taxes.

ANALYST SEES HAMAS ENTRENCHING
The authorities were only carrying out urgent humanitarian and administrative tasks whilst making “strenuous efforts” to control prices, Thawabta said. He reiterated Hamas’ readiness to hand over to a new technocratic administration, saying it aimed to avoid chaos in Gaza: “Our goal is for the transition to proceed smoothly.”
Hatem Abu Dalal, owner of a Gaza mall, said prices were high because not enough goods were coming into Gaza. Government representatives were trying to bring order to the economy — touring around, checking goods and setting prices, he said.
Mohammed Khalifa, shopping in central Gaza’s Nuseirat area, said prices were constantly changing despite attempts to regulate them. “It’s like a stock exchange,” he said.
“The prices are high. There’s no income, circumstances are difficult, life is hard, and winter is coming,” he said.
US President Donald Trump’s Gaza plan secured a ceasefire on October 10 and the release of the last living hostages seized during the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 attacks on Israel.
The plan calls for the establishment of a transitional authority, the deployment of a multinational security force, Hamas’ disarmament, and the start of reconstruction.
But Reuters, citing multiple sources, reported this week that Gaza’s de facto partition appeared increasingly likely, with Israeli forces still deployed in more than half the territory and efforts to advance the plan faltering.
Nearly all of Gaza’s 2 million people live in areas controlled by Hamas, which seized control of the territory from President Mahmoud Abbas’ Palestinian Authority (PA) and his Fatah Movement in 2007.
Ghaith Al-Omari, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute think-tank, said Hamas’ actions aimed to show Gazans and foreign powers alike that it cannot be bypassed.
“The longer that the international community waits, the more entrenched Hamas becomes,” Omari said.

US STATE DEPARTMENT: HAMAS ‘WILL NOT GOVERN’
Asked for comment on Gazans’ accounts of Hamas levying fees on some goods, among other reported activities, a US State Department spokesperson said: “This is why Hamas cannot and will not govern in Gaza.”
A new Gaza government can be formed once the United Nations approves Trump’s plan, the spokesperson said, adding that progress has been made toward forming the multinational force.
The PA is pressing for a say in Gaza’s new government, though Israel rejects the idea of it running Gaza again. Fatah and Hamas are at odds over how the new governing body should be formed.
Munther Al-Hayek, a Fatah spokesperson in Gaza, said Hamas actions “give a clear indication that Hamas wants to continue to govern.”
In the areas held by Israel, small Palestinian groups that oppose Hamas have a foothold, a lingering challenge to it.
Gazans continue to endure dire conditions, though more aid has entered since the ceasefire.

THEY ‘RECORD EVERYTHING’
A senior Gazan food importer said Hamas hadn’t returned to a full taxation policy, but they “see and record everything.”
They monitor everything that enters, with checkpoints along routes, and stop trucks and question drivers, he said, declining to be identified. Price manipulators are fined, which helps reduce some prices, but they are still much higher than before the war began and people complain they have no money.
Hamas’ Gaza government employed up to 50,000 people, including policemen, before the war. Thawabta said that thousands of them were killed, and those remaining were ready to continue working under a new administration.
Hamas authorities continued paying them salaries during the war, though it cut the highest, standardizing wages to 1,500 shekels ($470) a month, Hamas sources and economists familiar with the matter said. It is believed that Hamas drew on stockpiled cash to pay the wages, a diplomat said.
The Hamas government replaced four regional governors who were killed, sources close to Hamas said. A Hamas official said the group also replaced 11 members of its Gaza politburo who died.
Gaza City activist and commentator Mustafa Ibrahim said Hamas was exploiting delays in the Trump plan “to bolster its rule.” “Will it be allowed to continue doing so? I think it will continue until an alternative government is in place,” he said.


Blood oozing from corpses haunts escapees from Sudan’s El-Fasher

Blood oozing from corpses haunts escapees from Sudan’s El-Fasher
Updated 14 November 2025

Blood oozing from corpses haunts escapees from Sudan’s El-Fasher

Blood oozing from corpses haunts escapees from Sudan’s El-Fasher
  • The United Nations estimates nearly 90,000 have fled El-Fasher in the past two weeks, many going days without food

TINE: It took 16-year-old Mounir Abderahmane 11 days to reach the Tine refugee transit camp in Chad, crossing arid plains after fleeing the bloodshed in the Sudanese city of El-Fasher.
When the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) entered the city in late October, Abderahmane was at the Saudi hospital, watching over his father, a soldier in the regular army who had been wounded fighting the militia several days earlier.
“They summoned seven nurses and ushered them into a room. We heard gunshots and I saw blood seeping out for under the door,” he told AFP, his voice cracking with emotion.
Abderahmane fled the city the same day with his father, who died several days on the route westwards to Chad.
The RSF, locked in civil war with the army since April 2023, captured El-Fasher, the army’s last stronghold in the vast western Darfur region, on October 26 after an 18-month siege.
Both sides have been accused of atrocities.
The RSF traces its origins back to the Janjaweed, a largely Arab militia armed by the Sudanese government to kill mainly black African tribes in Darfur two decades ago.
Between 2003 and 2008, an estimated 300,000 people were slaughtered in those campaigns of ethnic cleansing and nearly 2.7 million were displaced.

- ‘Never look back’ -

At the Tine camp in eastern Chad — more than 300 kilometers (185 miles) from El-Fasher — escapees said drone attacks had intensified in the city on October 24, just before it fell to the RSF.
Locals crammed into makeshift shelters to escape the bombs, with only “peanut shells” for food, 53-year-old Hamid Souleymane Chogar said.
“Every time I went up to get some air, I saw new corpses in the street, often those of local people I knew,” he shuddered.
Chogar took advantage of a lull to flee in the night.
Crippled, he said, by the Janjaweed in 2011, he had to be hoisted onto a cart that zigzagged through the city between the debris and corpses.
They moved without speaking or lights to avoid detection.
When the headlights of an RSF vehicle swept the night, Mahamat Ahmat Abdelkerim, 53, dived into a nearby house with his wife and six children.
The seventh child had been killed by a drone days earlier.
“There were about 10 bodies in there, all civilians,” he said. “The blood was still oozing from their corpses.”
Mouna Mahamat Oumour, 42, was fleeing with her family when a shell struck the group.
“When I turned round, I saw my aunt’s body torn to pieces. We covered her with a cloth and kept going,” she said through tears.
“We walked on without ever looking back.”

- Extortion -

At the southern edge of the city, they saw corpses piled up in the huge trench the RSF had dug to surround it.
Samira Abdallah Bachir, 29, said she and her three young children had to climb down into the ditch to escape, negotiating the morass of bodies “so we wouldn’t step on them.”
Once past the trench, refugees had to negotiate checkpoints on the two main roads leading out of El-Fasher, where witnesses reported rape and theft.
At each roadblock, the fighters demanded cash — $800 to $1,600 — for safe passage.
The United Nations estimates nearly 90,000 have fled El-Fasher in the past two weeks, many going days without food.
“People are being relocated from Tine to reduce crowding and make room for new refugees,” said Ameni Rahmani, 42, of medical charity Doctors Without Borders (MSF).
The power struggle between the RSF and the army — in part to control Sudan’s gold and oil — has killed tens of thousands of people since April 2023, displaced nearly 12 million and triggered what the UN calls the world’s most extensive hunger crisis.