��������

Egypt’s efforts to craft a workable post-war plan for Gaza continue to face multiple obstacles. Beyond Israel’s repeated and unreasonable veto of any direct role for the Ramallah-based Palestinian government, even the more modest goal of achieving Palestinian consensus has proven elusive.

When Egypt’s intelligence minister invited select Palestinian faction leaders while excluding others, the Ramallah leadership, particularly the dominant Fatah movement, objected. The invitation extended to Samir Masharawi, a senior member of the Fatah Reformist Movement founded by Mohammed Dahlan, angered officials in Ramallah. Equally upsetting was the exclusion of Ahmad Majdalani, a member of the PLO Executive Committee and leader of the Palestinian Popular Struggle Front, a minor faction with little grassroots following.

Despite the absence of unanimity, those who did attend the Cairo talks agreed with their Egyptian hosts on certain criteria for a proposed technocratic governing body in Gaza. According to an Oct. 24 statement issued after the meetings, the plan envisions a “temporary Palestinian committee composed of independent technocrats from the Gaza Strip to manage essential services and daily life in cooperation with Arab partners and international organizations, based on principles of transparency and national accountability.”

However, the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority has expressed deep reservations about this process, which appears to follow the so-called “20-point Trump plan.” Palestinian officials argue that it disregards key international agreements, including the 1993 Declaration of Principles signed at the White House. This recognized Gaza and the West Bank as a single political entity under Palestinian law as legislated by the Palestinian Legislative Council.

As a compromise, the Palestinian government has offered to cede direct control, while insisting that the proposed committee be chaired by a member of the Palestinian Cabinet. But this idea seems to have been vetoed by Israel and is not supported by Cairo.

Another proposal gaining traction would place Amjad Shawa, the respected coordinator of Palestinian NGOs in Gaza, at the head of the committee. Hamas reportedly finds this acceptable. Yet critics on social media have voiced strong opposition, claiming that many of the NGOs involved lack transparency and accountability.

Progress on any political arrangement has also been delayed by continued Israeli violations of the ceasefire agreement and its refusal to move into the second phase of the truce plan. Israel insists that the next phase can begin only after all the bodies of its dead soldiers are returned from Gaza. Eleven bodies remain unrecovered, and the locations of at least five are unknown — a fact acknowledged by both Israel and the US. Nevertheless, Israel continues to condition the formal end of the war on the return of all remains.

Egypt’s efforts continue to face multiple obstacles

Daoud Kuttab

A degree of Palestinian national unity would undoubtedly help address the governance vacuum facing Arab and international mediators. But Israel’s continued refusal to release several leading Palestinian prisoners has perpetuated the political stalemate.

That impasse may shift, however, following a surprising comment by US President Donald Trump suggesting that he might support the release of the most popular Palestinian prisoner, Marwan Barghouti. The statement has raised hopes among Barghouti’s family, supporters, and much of the Palestinian public.

Reactions to Trump’s remarks have varied. Jordanian columnist Oraib Rantawi, director of the Al-Quds Center for Political Studies, wrote a column titled “From Solitary Prison to Al-Muqata’a via Gaza,” arguing that the US leader’s statement may have been an attempt to ensure that Barghouti’s release would be credited to him and not to Hamas.

Meanwhile, Barghouti’s wife, lawyer Fadwa Barghouti, reportedly sent a letter to Trump, the contents of which remain undisclosed. Her action has stirred concern within the Palestinian leadership about what assurances she may have given on her husband’s behalf. The matter appears to have prompted an unusual and unexplained presidential decree in Ramallah addressing the issue of political succession.

According to a brief published on the official WAFA website on Oct. 26: “President Mahmoud Abbas issued a constitutional declaration stipulating that, in the event of a vacancy in the office of the President of the Palestinian Authority, and in the absence of the Palestinian Legislative Council, the Vice President of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization — also the Vice President of the State of Palestine — will temporarily assume the duties of the president for a period not exceeding 90 days.”

The decree adds that elections must be held within this period, though it allows for a 90-day extension in cases of force majeure. Observers believe this clause could be invoked to delay elections — even if Barghouti is released and Abbas steps down — thereby preventing an immediate vote that the popular Barghouti would likely win.

The attempts to force an agreement without respecting international law or the consensus of the main Palestinian factions appear to be an exercise in futility. The Cairo Arab summit common, not to mention common political sense, dictates the inclusion of the Palestinian leadership in all aspects of governing and policing. The sooner the Trump administration understands this and stops adhering to the unreasonable Israeli vetoes, the sooner we will be on the right track to end this ugly war on the people of Gaza.

• Daoud Kuttab is an award-winning Palestinian journalist and former Ferris Professor of Journalism at Princeton University. He is the author of “State of Palestine Now: Practical and Logical Arguments for the Best Way to Bring Peace to the Middle East.” X: @daoudkuttab