Gangs and merchants sell food aid in Gaza, where Israel’s offensive has shattered security

Gangs and merchants sell food aid in Gaza, where Israel’s offensive has shattered security
Palestinian vendors display goods for sale at a street market in Gaza City. (AP)
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Updated 29 July 2025

Gangs and merchants sell food aid in Gaza, where Israel’s offensive has shattered security

Gangs and merchants sell food aid in Gaza, where Israel’s offensive has shattered security
  • The UN says up to 100,000 women and children are suffering from severe acute malnutrition, aid groups and media outlets say their own staffers are going hungry, and Gaza’s Health Ministry says dozens of Palestinians have died from hunger-related causes

DEIR AL BALAH: Since Israel’s offensive led to a security breakdown in Gaza that has made it nearly impossible to safely deliver food to starving Palestinians, much of the limited aid entering is being hoarded by gangs and merchants and sold at exorbitant prices.
A kilogram (2.2 pounds) of flour has run as high as $60 in recent days, a kilogram of lentils up to $35. That is beyond the means of most residents in the territory, which experts say is at risk of famine and where people are largely reliant on savings 21 months into the Israel-Hamas war.
Israel’s decision this weekend to facilitate more aid deliveries — under international pressure — has lowered prices somewhat but has yet to be fully felt on the ground.
Bags of flour in markets often bear UN logos, while other packaging has markings indicating it came from the Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation — all originally handed out for free. It’s impossible to know how much is being diverted, but neither group is able to track who receives its aid.
In the melees surrounding aid distributions in recent weeks, residents say the strong were best positioned to come away with food.
Mohammed Abu Taha, who lives in a tent with his wife and child near the city of Rafah, said organized gangs of young men are always at the front of crowds when he visits GHF sites.
“It’s a huge business,” he said.
Every avenue for aid is beset by chaos
The UN says up to 100,000 women and children are suffering from severe acute malnutrition, aid groups and media outlets say their own staffers are going hungry, and Gaza’s Health Ministry says dozens of Palestinians have died from hunger-related causes in the last three weeks.
When the UN gets Israeli permission to distribute aid, its convoys are nearly always attacked by armed gangs or overwhelmed by hungry crowds in the buffer zone controlled by the military.
The UN’s World Food Program said last week it will only be able to safely deliver aid to the most vulnerable once internal security is restored — likely only under a ceasefire.
“In the meantime, given the urgent need for families to access food, WFP will accept hungry populations taking food from its trucks, as long as there is no violence,” spokesperson Abeer Etifa said.
In the alternative delivery system operated by GHF, an American contractor, Palestinians often run a deadly gantlet.
More than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli troops while seeking food since May, mainly near the GHF sites, according to the UN human rights office, witnesses and local health officials. The military says it has only fired warning shots when people approach its forces, while GHF says its security contractors have only used pepper spray or fired in the air on some occasions to prevent stampedes.
‘You have to be strong and fast’
A man in his 30s, who insisted on anonymity for fear of reprisal, said he had visited GHF sites about 40 times since they opened and nearly always came back with food. He sold most of it to merchants or other people in order to buy other necessities for his family.
Heba Jouda, who has visited the sites many times, said armed men steal aid as people return with it and merchants also offer to buy it.
“To get food from the American organization, you have to be strong and fast,” she said.
Footage shot by Palestinians at GHF sites and shared broadly shows chaotic scenes, with crowds of men racing down fenced-in corridors and scrambling to grab boxes off the ground. GHF says it has installed separate lanes for women and children and is ramping up programs to deliver aid directly to communities.
The UN’s deliveries also often devolve into deadly violence and chaos, with crowds of thousands rapidly overwhelming trucks in close proximity to Israeli troops. The UN does not accept protection from Israel, saying it prefers to rely on community support.
The Israeli military did not respond to emails seeking comment about the reselling of aid. Israel denies allowing looters to operate in areas it controls and accuses Hamas of prolonging the war by not surrendering.
“There is no policy of starvation in Gaza, and there is no starvation in Gaza,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Sunday.
The situation changed dramatically in March
For much of the war, UN agencies were able to safely deliver aid, despite Israeli restrictions and occasional attacks and theft. Hamas-led police guarded convoys and went after suspected looters and merchants who resold aid.
During a ceasefire earlier this year, Israel allowed up to 600 aid trucks to enter daily. There were no major disruptions in deliveries, and food prices were far lower.
The UN said it had mechanisms in place to prevent any organized diversion of aid. But Israel says Hamas was siphoning it off, though it has provided no evidence of widespread theft.
That all changed in March, when Israel ended the ceasefire and halted all imports, including food. Israel seized large parts of Gaza in what it said was a tactic to pressure Hamas into releasing hostages abducted in its Oct. 7, 2023, attack that ignited the war.
As the Hamas-run police vanished from areas under Israeli control, local tribes and gangs — some of which Israel says it supports — took over, residents say.
Israel began allowing a trickle of aid to enter in May. GHF was set up that month with the stated goal of preventing Hamas from diverting aid.
Since then, Israel has allowed an average of about 70 trucks a day, compared to the 500-600 the UN says are needed. The military said Saturday it would allow more trucks in — 180 entered Sunday — and international airdrops have resumed, which aid organizations say are largely ineffective.
Meanwhile, food distribution continues to be plagued by chaos and violence, as seen near GHF sites or around UN trucks.
Even if Israel pauses its military operations during the day, it’s unclear how much the security situation will improve.
With both the UN and GHF, it’s possible Hamas members are among the crowds.
In response to questions from The Associated Press, GHF acknowledged that but said its system prevents the organized diversion of aid.
“The real concern we are addressing is not whether individual actors manage to receive food, but whether Hamas is able to systematically control aid flows. At GHF sites, they cannot,” it said.
Hamas has denied stealing aid. It’s unclear if it’s involved in the trade in aid, but its fighters would be taking a major risk by operating in a coordinated way in Israeli military zones that UN trucks pass through and where GHF sites are located.
The UN says the only solution is a ceasefire
UN officials have called on Israel to fully lift the blockade and flood Gaza with food. That would reduce the incentive for looting by ensuring enough for everyone and driving down prices.
Another ceasefire would include a major increase in aid and the release of Israeli hostages, but talks have stalled.
Hamas started the war when its fighters stormed into Israel, killing some 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducting 251 hostages. Fifty captives are still being held in Gaza.
Israel’s retaliatory offensive has killed over 59,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry, which has said women and children make up more than half the dead. It does not distinguish between civilians and combatants in its count. The ministry is part of the Hamas-run government and is run by medical professionals. Israel has disputed its figures without providing its own.


In Sudan, satellite images uncover atrocities in El-Fasher

In Sudan, satellite images uncover atrocities in El-Fasher
Updated 05 November 2025

In Sudan, satellite images uncover atrocities in El-Fasher

In Sudan, satellite images uncover atrocities in El-Fasher
  • Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab says the images are the only way to monitor the crisis in North Darfur's capital
  • Close-up aerial shots show evidence of door-to-door killings and mass graves

CAIRO: Satellite images from Sudan have played a crucial role in uncovering the atrocities committed during paramilitaries’ takeover of the last army stronghold in the western Darfur region.
In an interview with AFP, Nathaniel Raymond of Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab (HRL) said the aerial images were the only way to monitor the crisis unfolding on the ground in the city of El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur.
On October 26, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which have been fighting a brutal war with Sudan’s army for more than two years, claimed full control of the city they had besieged for nearly 18 months.
Close-up satellite images have emerged showing evidence of door-to-door killings, mass graves, red patches and bodies visible along an earthen berm — findings consistent with eyewitness accounts.


On October 28, HRL published footage from El-Fasher’s maternity hospital showing “piles of white objects” that were not present before and measured between “1.1 to 1.9 meters” (3.6 to 6.2 feet) — roughly the size of human bodies lying down or with limbs bent.
It said there were “reddish earth discolorations” on the ground nearby that could have been blood.
The following day, the World Health Organization announced the “tragic killing of more than 460 patients and medical staff” at the hospital.
The images released by HRL, which had been tracking the situation in El-Fasher throughout the siege, became “a spark plug for public outrage,” said Raymond.

‘Highest volume’

Since the start of the siege, HRL has been alerting the United Nations and the United States to developments on the ground, with its reports becoming a reference point for tracking territorial advances in the area.
Population movements, attacks, drone strikes and mass killings have been closely monitored in the city, where access remains blocked despite repeated calls to open humanitarian corridors.
Satellite imagery has become an indispensable tool for non-governmental organizations and journalists in regions where access is difficult or impossible — including Gaza, Ukraine and Sudan.
Several companies specializing in satellite imaging scan the globe daily, hindered only by weather conditions. Depending on the sensors onboard, satellites can clearly distinguish buildings, vehicles and even crowds.
HRL then cross-references the images with other material including online footage, social media and local news reports, according to Yale’s published methodology.
Raymond said that after El-Fasher’s fall paramilitaries “started posting videos of themselves killing people at the highest volume they ever had,” providing more material for analysis.
The team cross-checked these videos with the limited available information to identify, date and geolocate acts of violence using satellite imagery.
Raymond said the lab’s mission is to raise the alarm about the atrocities and collect evidence to ensure the perpetrators of war crimes do not escape justice.
He referenced similar aerial images taken after the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, which eventually helped bring charges against former Bosnian Serb military leader Ratko Mladic.
An international tribunal sentenced him to life imprisonment for war crimes and genocide.

Grim task ahead

The images from El-Fasher have triggered international outcry.
The prosecutor’s office at the International Criminal Court said on Monday that the atrocities there could amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The public outrage was followed by a significant reduction in the amount of footage posted by paramilitaries on the ground, according to the HRL.
Of the videos still being shared, “very few, if any, have metadata in them,” said Raymond, who noted that the researchers had to count the bodies themselves.
He said they were not counting individual remains but tagging piles of bodies and measuring them as they get bigger.
He added, however, that the researchers’ workload has not decreased with the reduction in videos. Instead, they are now focusing on the grim task of tracing “the perpetrator’s transition from killing phase to disposal.”
“Are they going to do trenches? Are they going to light them on fire? Are they going to try to put them in the water?“