Turkiye and Israel face mounting tensions over future of post-Assad Syria

Turkiye and Israel face mounting tensions over future of post-Assad Syria
Dozens of Syrian Druze clerics crossed the armistice line on the Golan Heights into Israel on Fon March 14 for their community’s first pilgrimage to the revered shrine in decades. (AFP)
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Updated 15 March 2025

Turkiye and Israel face mounting tensions over future of post-Assad Syria

Turkiye and Israel face mounting tensions over future of post-Assad Syria
  • Turkiye, which long backed groups opposed to Assad, has emerged as a key player in Syria and is advocating for a stable and united Syria
  • Israel on the other hand, remains deeply suspicious of Syria’s interim government and Turkiye’s influence over Damascus

ANKARA: The fall of Syrian President Bashar Assad’s government has aggravated already tense relations between Turkiye and Israel, with their conflicting interests in Syria pushing the relationship toward a possible collision course.
Turkiye, which long backed groups opposed to Assad, has emerged as a key player in Syria and is advocating for a stable and united Syria, in which a central government maintains authority over the whole country.
It welcomed a breakthrough agreement that Syria’s new interim government signed this week with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, or SDF, to integrate with the Syrian government and army.
Israel, on the other hand, remains deeply suspicious of Syria’s interim president, Ahmad Al-Sharaa, pointing to his roots in Al-Qaeda. It’s also wary of Turkiye’s influence over Damascus and appears to want to see Syria remain fragmented after the country under Assad was turned into a staging ground for its archenemy, Iran, and Tehran’s proxies.
“Syria has become a theater for proxy warfare between Turkiye and Israel, which clearly see each other as regional competitors,” said Asli Aydintasbas, of the Washington-based Brookings Institute.
“This is a very dangerous dynamic because in all different aspects of Syria’s transition, there is a clash of Turkish and Israeli positions.”
Following Assad’s fall, Israel seized territory in southern Syria, which Israeli officials said was aimed at keeping hostile groups away from its border. The new Syrian government and the United Nations have said Israel’s incursions violate a 1974 ceasefire agreement between the two countries and have called for Israel to withdraw. Israel has also conducted airstrikes targeting military assets left behind by Assad’s forces and has expressed plans to maintain a long-term presence in the region.
Analysts say Israel is concerned over the possibility of Turkiye expanding its military presence inside Syria. Since 2016, Turkiye has launched operations in northern Syria to push back Syrian Kurdish militias linked to the banned Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, and maintains influence in the north of the country through military bases and alliances with groups that opposed Assad.
Turkish defense officials have said Turkiye and Syria are now cooperating to strengthen the country’s defense and security, and that a military delegation will visit Syria next week.
Nimrod Goren, president of the Mitvim Institute, an Israeli foreign policy think tank, said that unlike Turkiye, which supports a strong, centralized and stable Syria, Israel at the moment appears to prefer Syria fragmented, with the belief that could better bolster Israel’s security.
He said Israel is concerned about Al-Sharaa and his Islamist ties, and fears that his consolidated strength could pose what Israel has called a “jihadist threat” along its northern border.
Israeli officials say they will not tolerate a Syrian military presence south of Damascus and have threatened to invade a Damascus suburb in defense of members of the Druze minority sect, who live in both Israel and Syria, after short-lived clashes broke out between the new Syrian security forces and Druze armed factions. The distance from Damascus to the Israeli-controlled Golan Heights is about 60 kilometers (37 miles.)
Turkiye and Israel once were close allies, but the relationship has been marked by deep tensions under Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s more than two-decade rule, despite brief periods of reconciliation. Erdogan is an outspoken critic of Israel’s policies toward the Palestinians, while Israel has been angered by Erdogan’s support for the Hamas militant group, which Israel considers to be a terrorist group.
Following the war in Gaza, Turkiye strongly denounced Israel’s military actions, announced it was cutting trade ties with Israel, and joined a genocide case South Africa brought against Israel at the UN International Court of Justice.
Aydintasbas said Turkish authorities are now increasingly concerned that Israel is “supportive of autonomy demands from Kurds, the Druze and Alawites.”
Erdogan issued a thinly veiled threat against Israel last week, saying: “Those who seek to provoke ethnic and religious (divisions) in Syria to exploit instability in the country should know that they will not be able to achieve their goals.”
Last week, factions allied with the new Syrian government — allegedly including some backed by Turkiye — launched revenge attacks on members of Assad’s Alawite minority sect after pro-Assad groups attacked government security forces on Syria’s coast. Monitoring groups said hundreds of civilians were killed.
Erdogan strongly condemned the violence and suggested the attacks were aimed at “Syria’s territorial integrity and social stability.”
Israel’s deputy foreign minister, Sharren Haskel, said the deadly sectarian violence amounted to “ethnic cleansing” by Islamist groups led by “a jihadist Islamist terror group that took Damascus by force and was supported by Turkiye.”
Israel, Haskel added, was working to prevent a threat along its border from Syria’s new “jihadist regime.”
Israel’s involvement in Syria is deepening, with the country pledging protection and economic aid to the Druze community in southern Syria at a time of heightened sectarian tensions.
The Druze, a small religious sect, are caught between Syria’s new Islamist-led government in Damascus and Israel, which many Syrians view as a hostile neighbor leveraging the Druze’s plight to justify its intervention in the region. Israel says it sent food aid trucks to the Druze in southern Syria and is allowing some Syrian Druze to cross into the Israeli-controlled part of the Golan Heights to work.
Al-Sharaa was somewhat conciliatory toward Israel in his early statements, saying that he didn’t seek a conflict. But his language has become stronger. In a speech at a recent Arab League emergency meeting in Cairo, he said that Israel’s “aggressive expansion is not only a violation of Syrian sovereignty, but a direct threat to security and peace in the entire region.”
The Brookings Institute’s Aydintasbas said the escalating tensions are cause for serious concern.
“Before we used to have Israel and Turkiye occasionally engage in spats, but be able to decouple their security relationship from everything else,” Aydintasbas said. “But right now, they are actively trying to undermine each other. The question is, do these countries know each other’s red lines?”
A report from the Institute for National Security Studies, a think tank led by a former Israeli military intelligence chief, suggested that Israel could benefit from engaging with Turkiye, the one regional power with considerable influence over Syria’s leadership, to reduce the risk of military conflict between Israel and Syria.


Lebanese say Israel preventing post-war reconstruction

Lebanese say Israel preventing post-war reconstruction
Updated 4 sec ago

Lebanese say Israel preventing post-war reconstruction

Lebanese say Israel preventing post-war reconstruction
MSAILEH: When engineer Tarek Mazraani started campaigning for the reconstruction of war-battered southern Lebanon, Israeli drones hovered ominously overhead — their loudspeakers sometimes calling him out by name.
Despite a ceasefire struck last November aiming to put an end to more than a year of fighting with Hezbollah, Israel has kept up near-daily strikes on Lebanon.
In addition to hitting alleged militants, it has recently also targeted bulldozers, excavators and prefabricated houses, often saying they were part of efforts to restore Hezbollah infrastructure.
The bombing has prevented tens of thousands of people from returning to their homes, and has made rebuilding heavily-damaged border villages — like Mazraani’s Hula — almost impossible.
“For us, the war has not ended,” Mazraani, 61, told AFP.
“We can’t return to our villages, rebuild or even check on our homes.”
In cash-strapped Lebanon, authorities have yet to begin reconstruction efforts, and have been hoping for international support, particularly from Gulf countries.
They have also blamed Israeli strikes for preventing efforts to rebuild, which the World Bank estimates could cost $11 billion.
Eager to go back home, Mazraani established the “Association of the Residents of Border Villages” to call for the return of displaced people and the start of reconstruction.
He even started making plans to rebuild homes he had previously designed.
But in October, Israeli drones flew over southern villages, broadcasting a message through loudspeakers.
They called out Mazraani by name and urged residents to expel him, implicitly accusing him of having ties with Hezbollah, which he denies.
Asked by AFP, the Israeli army would not say on what basis they accuse Mazraani of working with Hezbollah.
“They are bombing prefabricated houses, and not allowing anyone to get close to the border,” said Mazraani, who has moved to Beirut for fear of Israel’s threats.
“They are saying: no reconstruction before handing over the weapons,” he added, referring to Israel’s demand that Hezbollah disarm.

- ‘Nothing military here’ -

Amnesty International has estimated that “more than 10,000 structures were heavily damaged or destroyed” between October of last year — when Israel launched a ground offensive into southern Lebanon — and late January.
It noted that much of the destruction followed the November 2024 truce that took effect after two months of open war.
Just last month, Israeli strikes destroyed more than 300 bulldozers and excavators in yards in the Msaileh area, one of which belonged to Ahmed Tabaja, 65.
Surrounded by burned-out machinery, his hands stained black, Tabaja said he hoped to repair just five of his 120 vehicles destroyed in the strikes — a devastating loss amounting to five million dollars.
“Everyone knows there is nothing military here,” he insisted.
The yards, located near the highway, are open and visible. “There is nothing to hide,” he said.
In a nearby town, Hussein Kiniar, 32, said he couldn’t believe his eyes as he surveyed the heavy machinery garage his father built 30 years ago.
He said Israel struck the family’s yard twice: first during the war, and again in September after it was repaired.
The first strike cost five million dollars, and the second added another seven million in losses, he estimated.
“I watched everything burn right before my eyes,” Kiniar said.
The Israeli army said that day it had targeted “a Hezbollah site in the Ansariyah area of southern Lebanon, which stored engineering vehicles intended to rebuild the terrorist organization’s capabilities and support its terrorist activity.”
Kiniar denied that he or the site were linked to Hezbollah.
“We are a civilian business,” he said.

- Disarmament disagreements -

In October, Israel killed two engineers working for a company sanctioned by the United States over alleged Hezbollah ties.
Under US pressure and fearing an escalation in strikes, the Lebanese government has moved to begin disarming Hezbollah, a plan the movement and its allies oppose.
But Israel accuses Beirut of acting too slowly and, despite the stipulation in the ceasefire that it withdraw, it maintains troops in five areas in southern Lebanon.
Hezbollah, meanwhile, insists Israel pull back, stop its attacks and allow reconstruction to begin before it can discuss the fate of its weapons.
In the aftermath of the 2006 war with Israel, Hezbollah spearheaded rebuilding in the south, with much of the effort financed by Iran.
But this time, the group’s financial dealings have been under heightened scrutiny.
It has insisted the state should fund post-war reconstruction, and it has only paid compensation for its own associates’ rent and repairs.
For three long seasons, olive grower Mohammed Rizk, 69, hasn’t been able to cultivate his land.
He now lives with his son just outside the city of Nabatiyeh, having been forced out of his border village where his once-vibrant grove lies neglected.
“The war hasn’t ended,” he said. “It will only be over when we return home.”