Palestinians confront a landscape of destruction in Gaza’s ‘ghost towns’

Palestinians confront a landscape of destruction in Gaza’s ‘ghost towns’
A boy sits with a rescued giant red teddy bear doll on rubble near a heavily-damaged building in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on Jan. 21, 2025, as residents return following a ceasefire deal. (AFP)
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Updated 21 January 2025

Palestinians confront a landscape of destruction in Gaza’s ‘ghost towns’

Palestinians confront a landscape of destruction in Gaza’s ‘ghost towns’
  • “As you can see, it became a ghost town,” said Hussein Barakat, 38, whose home in the southern city of Rafah was flattened
  • Critics say Israel has waged a campaign of scorched earth to destroy the fabric of life in Gaza

RAFAH: Palestinians in Gaza are confronting an apocalyptic landscape of devastation after a ceasefire paused more than 15 months of fighting between Israel and Hamas.
Across the tiny coastal enclave, where built-up refugee camps are interspersed between cities, drone footage captured by The Associated Press shows mounds of rubble stretching as far as the eye can see — remnants of the longest and deadliest war between Israel and Hamas in their blood-ridden history.
“As you can see, it became a ghost town,” said Hussein Barakat, 38, whose home in the southern city of Rafah was flattened. “There is nothing,” he said, as he sat drinking coffee on a brown armchair perched on the rubble of his three-story home, in a surreal scene.
Critics say Israel has waged a campaign of scorched earth to destroy the fabric of life in Gaza, accusations that are being considered in two global courts, including the crime of genocide. Israel denies those charges and says its military has been fighting a complex battle in dense urban areas and that it tries to avoid causing undue harm to civilians and their infrastructure.
Military experts say the reality is complicated.

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“For a campaign of this duration, which is a year’s worth of fighting in a heavily urban environment where you have an adversary that is hiding in among that environment, then you would expect an extremely high level of damage,” said Matthew Savill, director of military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute, a British think-tank.
Savill said that it was difficult to draw a broad conclusion about the nature of Israel’s campaign. To do so, he said, would require each strike and operation to be assessed to determine whether they adhered to the laws of armed conflict and whether all were proportional, but he did not think the scorched earth description was accurate.
International rights groups. including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, view the vast destruction as part of a broader pattern of extermination and genocide directed at Palestinians in Gaza, a charge Israel denies. The groups dispute Israel’s stance that the destruction was a result of military activity.
Human Rights Watch, in a November report accusing Israel of crimes against humanity, said “the destruction is so substantial that it indicates the intention to permanently displace many people.”
From a fierce air campaign during the first weeks of the war, to a ground invasion that sent thousands of troops in on tanks, the Israeli response to a Hamas-led attack on Oct. 7, 2023, has ground down much of the civilian infrastructure of the Gaza Strip, displacing 90 percent of its population. The brilliant color of pre-war life has faded into a monotone cement gray that dominates the territory. It could take decades, if not more, to rebuild.
Airstrikes throughout the war toppled buildings and other structures said to be housing militants. But the destruction intensified with the ground forces, who fought Hamas fighters in close combat in dense areas.
If militants were seen firing from an apartment building near a troop maneuver, forces might take the entire building down to thwart the threat. Tank tracks chewed up paved roads, leaving dusty stretches of earth in their wake.
The military’s engineering corps was tasked with using bulldozers to clear routes, downing buildings seen as threats, and blowing up Hamas’ underground tunnel network.
Experts say the operations to neutralize tunnels were extremely destructive to surface infrastructure. For example, if a 1.5-kilometer (1-mile) long tunnel was blown up by Israeli forces, it would not spare homes or buildings above, said Michael Milshtein, a former Israeli army intelligence officer.
“If (the tunnel) passes under an urban area, it all gets destroyed,” he said. “There’s no other way to destroy a tunnel.”
Cemeteries, schools, hospitals and more were targeted and destroyed, he said, because Hamas was using these for military purposes. Secondary blasts from Hamas explosives inside these buildings could worsen the damage.
The way Israel has repeatedly returned to areas it said were under its control, only to have militants overrun it again, has exacerbated the destruction, Savill said.
That’s evident especially in northern Gaza, where Israel launched a new campaign in early October that almost obliterated Jabaliya, a built up, urban refugee camp. Jabaliya is home to the descendants of Palestinians who fled, or were forced to flee, during the war that led to Israel‘s creation in 1948. Milshtein said Israel’s dismantling of the tunnel network is also to blame for the destruction there.
But the destruction was not only caused from strikes on targets. Israel also carved out a buffer zone about a kilometer inside Gaza from its border with Israel, as well as within the Netzarim corridor that bisects north Gaza from the south, and along the Philadelphi Corridor, a stretch of land along Gaza’s border with Egypt. Vast swaths in these areas were leveled.
Amir Avivi, a retired Israeli general, said the buffer zones were an operational necessity meant to carve out secure plots of land for Israeli forces. He denied Israel had cleared civilian areas indiscriminately.
The destruction, like the civilian death toll in Gaza, has raised accusations that Israel committed war crimes, which it denies. The decisions the military made in choosing what to topple, and why, are an important factor in that debate.
“The second militants move into a building and start using it to fire on you, you start making a calculation about whether or not you can strike,” Savill said. Downing the building, he said, “still needs to be necessary.”


Young Iraqis run for parliament to challenge sectarian rule, push reform

Updated 8 sec ago

Young Iraqis run for parliament to challenge sectarian rule, push reform

Young Iraqis run for parliament to challenge sectarian rule, push reform
BAGHDAD: Anwar Ibrahim, 25, is so frustrated with Iraq’s sectarian politics that he is running for parliament, joining a wave of young Iraqis challenging an entrenched elite at elections next week.
“I believe young people and technocrats should be given the space to participate in the management of the state, and that we should put an end to the domination of certain parties,” said Ibrahim, a pro-democracy activist.
Many Iraqis remain skeptical, seeing the November 11 vote as unlikely to bring real change to the country’s stagnant politics, with the same powerful groups controlling the state and its oil wealth since Saddam Hussein’s fall in 2003.
Yet the presence of significant numbers of youth candidates — for the second time since elections in 2005 — marks a political coming of age for Iraqis who were infants or children when Saddam was toppled, and could energize demands for reform.
“The fact that around 40 percent of registered candidates are young people shows there’s growing interest among Iraq’s youth to take part in shaping the country’s future,” an Iraqi High Electoral Commission official told Reuters.
“It reflects a desire for renewal and for a stronger voice from a generation that has long felt excluded from politics.”
Most of the new youth candidates are in their late 20s to mid-30s, a sharp contrast to the current parliament, where the average age of lawmakers is about 55, and include members of the country’s Shiite majority as well as its Sunni minority.
The IHEC says about 40 percent of registered candidates are under 40, and roughly 15 percent are under 35 — typically 28 to 35 years old. In elections in 2021, 24 percent of candidates were under 30, the IHEC said.
The fresh influx of young candidates may persuade some Iraqis to vote for the first time, eager for alternatives to the sectarian leaders repeatedly voted in by older generations. Despite routine democratic elections, Iraqis continue to grapple with corruption, unemployment and poor services.

MARGINALISED GENERATION BEGINS TO FIND A VOICE
However, young Iraqis appear split on whether to vote. Some are enthusiastic, but others have given up on politics.
Ali Abd Al-Hussain, 28, a violinist and graduate of the Institute of Fine Arts in Baghdad who works as a musician in a Baghdad restaurant, ripped up his voter registration card.
“Those we previously elected to parliament started their campaigns wearing simple clothes and traveling by taxi, saying ‘vote for us so we can bring change’,” he said.
“After we voted for them, big change did happen, but not for us, the poor; it happened for them. Overnight they started wearing expensive suits and driving luxury cars with tinted windows because they no longer wanted to see our faces. Of course I will not vote.”
Youths have not formed new political parties and have instead opted to join well-established political blocs to try and force change from the inside, a highly ambitious goal.
“Patronage networks tied to political parties distribute jobs, contracts and security positions, ensuring loyalty and limiting space for outsiders,” said Baghdad-based constitutional expert Kadhum Al-Bahadli.

BREAKING THE CYCLE WILL BE CHALLENGING “Breaking this cycle would require not only political will but also a fundamental realignment of economic and security power, something Iraq’s ruling elite has little incentive to allow.”
A static political landscape was not what analysts foresaw when Iraqis toppled Saddam’s statue in Baghdad in 2003, hitting it with their shoes in celebration of the dictator’s fall.
US officials thought that toppling the Sunni strongman would set Iraq on a path to freedom and prosperity enjoyed by all communities sharing its oil wealth fairly.
Instead, a pro-Saddam insurgency emerged, followed by Islamist Al-Qaeda militants and a sectarian civil war that gave rise to the more extremist jihadists of Islamic State.
Meanwhile the balance of political power steadily shifted from Saddam’s minority Sunnis to majority Shiites, in the form of civilian politicians and armed militias backed by Iran.

YOUNG CANDIDATES SEEK ‘NEW IRAQ’ BUT WORRY ABOUT RESISTANCE
Any youth seeking to change the status quo will face stiff resistance. Still, many young candidates are pushing to rewrite the electoral law, create an independent elections committee and curb the influence of Iranian-backed militias over politics and elections.
Some like Anwar Ibrahim were encouraged by Israel’s bombing of Iran in a war in June that was briefly joined by the US, a development he thinks will weaken Iraq’s pro-Iran militias.
But others worry that armed Shiite groups will crush any challenge to their influence.
In October 2019, protests erupted over high unemployment, poor public services and corruption, prompting a violent security crackdown which killed 149 people. A government report which investigated the episode concluded that more than 70 percent of deaths were caused by shots to the head or chest.
“We are certainly worried about attempts to prevent change: parties that have armed wings will try to stop any real change in the political process in Iraq and will use their weapons against us,” said youth candidate Hussein Al-Ghurabi.
“If we succeed, elections will be the first step toward a new Iraq; if not, the situation will be tragic, democracy in Iraq will decline alarmingly, and will remain only ink on paper.”