Could we see a Palestinian state during Mahmoud Abbas’s 20th year in office thanks to the global coalition?

Special Could we see a Palestinian state during Mahmoud Abbas’s 20th year in office thanks to the global coalition?
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas speaks during the United Nations General Assembly at the UN headquarters on September 26, 2024 in New York City. (AFP)
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Updated 13 January 2025

Could we see a Palestinian state during Mahmoud Abbas’s 20th year in office thanks to the global coalition?

Could we see a Palestinian state during Mahmoud Abbas’s 20th year in office thanks to the global coalition?
  • When Abbas assumed the Palestinian Authority presidency on Jan. 15, 2005, he inherited a fractured political landscape
  • His legacy will be defined by whether he can translate Saudi-led momentum behind Palestinian statehood into tangible results

LONDON: As Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas marks 20 years in office, his leadership remains a complex chapter in the Palestinian national story, characterized by division, disillusionment, but also dogged determination.

Having succeeded Yasser Arafat in 2005, Abbas’ lengthy tenure has been shaped by challenges that have profoundly impacted the Palestinian people, the pursuit of statehood, and the prospects for peace with Israel.

“Ever since taking office, President Abbas has focused all his attention on the realization of an independent Palestinian state using diplomatic and political means,” Daoud Kuttab, an award-winning Palestinian journalist and author, told Arab News.




Posters of presidential candidate Mahmoud Abbas and the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat are seen at the Al-Amaari refugee camp in the West Bank city of Ramallah on January 2005 during the election for Arafat's successor. (AFP)

Abbas’s term was originally meant to last four years, meaning elections should have been held in 2009. However, no presidential elections have taken place since, primarily due to political rivalries between the main parties.

This 20-year milestone invites a reflection on Abbas’ legacy, the ongoing divisions within Palestinian politics, and whether his 20th year in power since succeeding Arafat might see tangible progress toward an independent Palestinian state.

When Abbas assumed the presidency on Jan. 15, 2005, he inherited a fractured political landscape. Arafat’s death in November 2004 left a void in Palestinian leadership, particularly given his unique ability to unite diverse factions under the umbrella of the Palestine Liberation Organization.




Palestinians crowd around the coffin of Fatah Chairman Yasser Arafat after it arrived from Cairo in the West Bank city of Ramallaha on November 12, 2004, for a burial ceremony. (AFP)

Abbas, known for his more pragmatic and diplomatic approach, was seen as a leader who could gain international credibility and potentially re-ignite peace talks with Israel. However, Arafat’s departure also brought long-simmering divisions among Palestinians to the fore.

“Abbas followed a revolutionary leader in Yasser Arafat and had to confront an Islamic movement that is focused on armed resistance,” said Kuttab, referring to the Palestinian militant group Hamas that controls Gaza.

“He attacked Hamas for their rocket attacks on Israel and has been silently disapproving of the Oct. 7, 2023, cross-border Hamas act that has caused huge loss of life as a result of the brutal Israeli revenge response.”




This April 7, 2024, photo shows near Israelis visiting a memorial at Kibbutz Reim in southern Israel, at the site of the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on the Supernova music festival, which triggered Israel's genocidal Gaza invasion. (AFP)

The Oct. 7 Hamas-led attack on southern Israel left 1,200 people dead, the majority of them civilians, saw some 250 taken hostage, including many foreign nationals, and triggered Israel’s devastating retaliatory war in Gaza.

Fifteen months on, the war has cost the lives of more than 45,000 Palestinians, according to health officials in Gaza, although a new study published by the Lancet medical journal has placed the death toll at 64,260 as of last June.

The rivalry between Abbas’ Fatah and Hamas escalated into a full-blown schism in 2007. Following a short conflict, Hamas seized control of Gaza, leaving Abbas’ Fatah-dominated PA governing only parts of the West Bank.

This division has not only weakened the Palestinian cause but has also complicated efforts to present a unified front in negotiations with Israel.




A Palestinian mourns his daughter and two other relatives who were killed in an Israeli airstrike on Jan. 11, 2025, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip. Fifteen months on, the Gaza war has cost the lives of more than 46,500 Palestinians and at least 109,660 wounded. (AFP)

Abbas began his presidency with optimism. His platform emphasized nonviolent resistance, institution-building, and a commitment to achieving a two-state solution through negotiations.

His efforts gained initial support from the international community, particularly the US and the EU. The 2005 Israeli withdrawal from Gaza was seen as a potential breakthrough, despite being unilateral and limited.

However, hopes for progress soon faded. The victory of Hamas in the 2006 legislative elections, coupled with the failure to reach a consensus on governance, exacerbated divisions.

Meanwhile, peace talks with Israel stalled repeatedly over issues such as settlement expansion, security arrangements, and the status of Jerusalem.




Palestinians rally in the West Bank city of Ramallah on June 13, 2007, calling for a stop to fighting between the Fatah and the Hamas movements in the Gaza Strip. Fatah and Hamas remain rivals to this day. (AFP)

The situation worsened after the 2008-09 Gaza war, further entrenching the divide between Hamas and Fatah. For many Palestinians, Abbas’ commitment to negotiations began to appear futile, especially as Israel’s settlement activity in the West Bank continued unabated.

Critics accused Abbas of presiding over a corrupt and ineffective administration, eroding public trust in the PA.

The split between the West Bank and Gaza remains one of the defining challenges of Abbas’ presidency. Efforts at reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas have repeatedly faltered, with each side blaming the other for the impasse.




Caption

The Oct. 7 attack and the war in Gaza have done little to heal the rift. On Saturday, Fatah issued a rare statement criticizing Hamas for sacrificing Palestinian interests for Iran and causing destruction in Gaza.

The statement supports Fatah’s recent security crackdown in the Jenin refugee camp targeting Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other armed groups, accusing Tehran of funding these factions.

Fatah also condemned the Oct. 7 attack, rejecting Hamas’ strategy of armed conflict, and accused it of seeking to incite chaos in the West Bank




Protesters clash with members of the Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces, in Jenin in the Israel-occupied West Bank, on December 16, 2024. (AFP)

Talks in December between Fatah and Hamas about a nonpartisan Gaza administration have seen no clear progress. Meanwhile, the future governance of Gaza remains uncertain as Israeli leaders debate involving the PA following the defeat of Hamas.

Despite his long absence from the Palestinian Territories in the UAE, Mohammed Dahlan, a former Gaza security chief who was blamed by some within Fatah for the loss of Gaza, has since been tipped as a potential leader of the enclave — if Hamas were removed from power.

The Fatah Central Committee voted to expel Dahlan from the party in June 2011 after Abbas accused him of corruption and of plotting against him. Dahlan denied the allegations and accused Abbas of targeting him for his criticism of Abbas’ handling of the peace process.




In this photo taken on December 31, 2016, supporters of Fatah's former security chief Mohammed Dahlan, an exiled rival to Mahmoud Abbas, clash with supporters of Abbas during a rally in Gaza City. (AFP file)

In spite of this history of division among the Palestinians, Abbas’ administration has achieved some notable successes on the international stage, including securing Palestine’s recognition as a non-member observer state at the UN in 2012.

This diplomatic victory underscored Abbas’ commitment to pursuing Palestinian statehood through nonviolent means and international legitimacy.

However, Abbas’ prolonged tenure has not been without controversy. Now aged 89, he has faced growing criticism for failing to hold elections since 2006, effectively extending his rule far beyond his original mandate.




Palestinian Fatah movement supporters carry portraits of PA President Mahmud Abbas (R) and his late predecessor Yasser Arafat (L) during a march to mark the 16th anniversary of Arafat's death in the village of Dura, near the West Bank city of Hebron on November 11, 2020. (AFP file)

Many Palestinians view the PA as increasingly authoritarian, accusing it of suppressing dissent and prioritizing security coordination with Israel over the needs of its people. The PA’s reliance on international aid has also raised questions about its sustainability.

Economic dependency on donor funding has left the PA vulnerable to political pressure, particularly from the US and Israel. This dependency has fueled perceptions that the PA is complicit in managing the occupation rather than resisting it.

Meanwhile, Abbas has faced internal challenges from younger Fatah leaders and other political factions who view his leadership as out of touch. Calls for generational change have grown louder, with many Palestinians demanding a more inclusive and dynamic approach.

Despite these challenges, Abbas’ 20th year in office arrives at a moment of renewed international focus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.




Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas (L) meeting with 's Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman in Riyadh on August 27, 2024. (PPO/AFP)

’s emergence as a regional power broker has brought fresh hope for advancing the two-state solution. Under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the Kingdom has taken a proactive role in mediating conflicts and fostering dialogue, including between Israel and the Arab world.

In October 2024, announced the formation of the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution. The coalition includes key players such as the US, the EU, and Arab states, with a mandate to address core issues including borders, settlements, refugees, and the status of Jerusalem.

Riyadh’s initiative has been bolstered by an ongoing Arab dialogue with Israel, which includes conditions tied to advancing Palestinian statehood in line with the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative.




Since the global alliance for the two-state solution was launched amid the Gaza war, the push for Palestinian statehood championed by Mahmoud Abbas has gained momentum. (Anadolu)

“No doubt is playing a leading role in this coalition, leveraging its regional and international influence as well as its longstanding support for the Palestinian cause,” Hani Nasira, an Egyptian writer and political expert, told Arab News.

“The Kingdom has consistently emphasized that the establishment of an independent Palestinian state is essential for peace and stability in the region and that any steps toward normalization with Israel must first secure Palestinian rights.”

This diplomatic strategy reflects ’s commitment to balancing regional stability with the aspirations of the Palestinian people.

The question remains whether Abbas’ final years in power will witness the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. Much depends on the success of ’s initiative and the willingness of all parties to engage in meaningful negotiations.

“Observers believe that the chances of establishing a Palestinian state under President Mahmoud Abbas remain viable, though significant challenges persist,” said Nasira.




Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (C) and leaders from member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the Arab League during their joint extraordinary summit in Riyadh on November 11, 2024 to discuss efforts at finding a peaceful solution to the question of Palestine. (SPA/AFP)

“These obstacles require internal Palestinian unity and robust Arab and international support — something is actively seeking to provide.

“Additionally, many countries and international organizations continue to support the establishment of an independent Palestinian state along the 1967 borders under the current Palestinian leadership.

“This includes the EU and most Islamic nations, as President Abbas seeks backing for a peace initiative rooted in the two-state solution and international resolutions.

“It is therefore clear that the Global Alliance reflects ’s steadfast commitment to supporting the Palestinian cause and its relentless pursuit of a just and comprehensive peace in the region.

“This initiative aims to guarantee Palestinian rights and establish normalized relations among all countries in the region.”

For Abbas, the stakes are high. His legacy will ultimately be defined by whether he can translate decades of advocacy for Palestinian statehood into tangible results.




A screen shows the results of the vote on the resolution entitled "Peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine" at the General Assembly 46th plenary meeting on Dec. 3, 2024, at the UN headquarters in New York City. (AFP)

The PA has expressed cautious optimism about the Saudi-led coalition, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive approach that addresses historic injustices and ensures Palestinian sovereignty.

However, significant obstacles persist. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has shown little appetite for concessions, particularly on settlements and security issues, and has even dismissed the two-state solution out of hand.

As Abbas marks two decades in office, the Palestinians find themselves at a crossroads. While statehood remains elusive, renewed international focus on the conflict offers a glimmer of hope.

Abbas’ presidency has been a tale of resilience, missed opportunities, and unfulfilled aspirations. While his commitment to a two-state solution has earned him international respect, the lack of progress on the ground has left many Palestinians disillusioned.

“The Palestinian president remained focused on his peaceful mythology but failed to gain enough support in terms of electoral legitimization of his efforts,” Kuttab told Arab News.

“While Abbas’ direction directly reflected the recommendations of all of Palestine’s allies, they failed to engage or reward him for his rejection of violence and insistence of a politically negotiated solution to the Palestinian conflict.

“Nevertheless, President Abbas’ quest — that is, the national aspiration of Palestinians — remains to be the most logical step forward. Palestinian statehood is the best way to bring peace to the entire Middle East.”


Thirst drives Gaza families to drink water that makes them sick

Thirst drives Gaza families to drink water that makes them sick
Updated 15 August 2025

Thirst drives Gaza families to drink water that makes them sick

Thirst drives Gaza families to drink water that makes them sick
  • Limits on fuel imports and electricity have hampered the operation of desalination plants

DEIR AL-BALAH: After waking early to stand in line for an hour under the August heat, Rana Odeh returns to her tent with her jug of murky water. She wipes the sweat from her brow and strategizes how much to portion out to her two small children. From its color alone, she knows full well it’s likely contaminated.

Thirst supersedes the fear of illness.
She fills small bottles for her son and daughter and pours a sip into a teacup for herself. What’s left she adds to a jerrycan for later.
“We are forced to give it to our children because we have no alternative,” Odeh, who was driven from her home in Khan Younis, said of the water. “It causes diseases for us and our children.”
Such scenes have become the grim routine in Muwasi, a sprawling displacement camp in central Gaza where hundreds of thousands endure scorching summer heat.
Sweat-soaked and dust-covered, parents and children chase down water trucks that come every two or three days, filling bottles, canisters and buckets and then hauling them home, sometimes on donkey-drawn carts.
Each drop is rationed for drinking, cooking, cleaning, or washing. 
Some reuse what they can and save a couple of cloudy inches in their jerrycans for whatever tomorrow brings — or does not.
When water fails to arrive, Odeh said, she and her son fill bottles from the sea.
Over the 22 months since Israel launched its offensive, Gaza’s water access has been progressively strained. Limits on fuel imports and electricity have hindered the operation of desalination plants, while infrastructure bottlenecks and pipeline damage have restricted delivery to a trickle. Gaza’s aquifers became polluted by sewage and the wreckage of bombed buildings. Wells are mostly inaccessible or destroyed, aid groups and the local utility say.
Meanwhile, the water crisis has helped fuel the rampant spread of disease, on top of Gaza’s rising starvation. 
UNRWA — the UN agency for Palestinian refugees — said that its health centers now see an average of 10,300 patients a week with infectious diseases, mostly diarrhea from contaminated water.
Efforts to ease the water shortage are underway, but for many, the prospect remains overshadowed by the risk of what may unfold before a new supply arrives.
And the thirst is only growing as a heat wave bears down, with humidity and temperatures in Gaza soaring on Friday to 35 degrees Celsius (95 degrees Fahrenheit).
Mahmoud Al-Dibs, a father displaced from Gaza City to Muwasi, dumped water over his head from a flimsy plastic bag — one of the vessels used to carry water in the camps.
“Outside the tents, it is hot, and inside the tents, it is hot, so we are forced to drink this water wherever we go,” he said.

Al-Dibs was among many who said they knowingly drink non-potable water.

The few people still possessing rooftop tanks cannot muster enough water to clean them, so what flows from their taps is yellow and unsafe, said Bushra Khalidi, an official with Oxfam, an aid group working in Gaza.

Before the war, the coastal enclave’s more than 2 million residents got their water from a patchwork of sources. Some was piped in by Mekorot, Israel’s national water utility. 

Some came from desalination plants. Some was pulled from high-saline wells, and some was imported in bottles.

Palestinians are relying more heavily on groundwater, which now accounts for more than half of Gaza’s water supply. 

The well water has historically been brackish, but still serviceable for cleaning, bathing, or farming, according to Palestinian water officials and aid groups.

The effects of drinking unclean water don’t always appear right away, said Mark Zeitoun, director general of the Geneva Water Hub, a policy institute.

“Untreated sewage mixes with drinking water, and you drink that or wash your food with it, then you’re drinking microbes and can get dysentery,” Zeitoun said. “If you’re forced to drink salty, brackish water, it just does your kidneys in, and then you’re on dialysis for decades.”

Deliveries average less than three liters per person per day — a fraction of the 15 liters that humanitarian groups say is needed for drinking, cooking, and basic hygiene.

In February, acute watery diarrhea accounted for less than 20 percent of reported illnesses in Gaza. By July, it had surged to 44 percent, raising the risk of severe dehydration, according to UNICEF, the UN children’s agency.

Early in the war, residents said deliveries from Israel’s water company Mekorot were curtailed — a claim that Israel has denied. 

Airstrikes destroyed some of the transmission pipelines as well as one of Gaza’s three desalination plants.

Bombardment and advancing troops damaged or cut off wells to the point that today only 137 of Gaza’s 392 wells are accessible, according to UNICEF. 

Water quality from some wells has deteriorated, fouled by sewage, the rubble of shattered buildings and the residue of spent munitions.

Fuel shortages have strained the system, slowing pumps at wells and the trucks that carry water. 

The remaining two desalination plants have operated far below capacity or ground to a halt at times, aid groups and officials say.

In recent weeks, Israel has taken some steps to reverse the damage. It delivers water via two of Mekorot’s three pipelines into Gaza and reconnected one of the desalination plants to Israel’s electricity grid, Deputy Foreign Minister Sharren Haskel told The Associated Press.

Still, the plants put out far less than before the war, said Monther Shoblaq, head of Gaza’s Coastal Municipalities Water Utility. That has forced him to make impossible choices.

The utility prioritizes delivering water to hospitals and to the public. However, that means sometimes withholding water needed for sewage treatment, which can lead to neighborhood backups and increase health risks.

Water hasn’t sparked the same global outrage as limits on food entering Gaza. But Shoblaq warned of a direct line between the crisis and potential loss of life.

“It’s obvious that you can survive for some days without food, but not without water,” he said.

Water access is steadying after Israel’s steps. Aid workers have grown hopeful that the situation will not worsen and could improve.

Southern Gaza could get more relief from a desalination plant just across the border in Egypt. 

The plant wouldn’t depend on Israel for power, but since Israel holds the crossings, it will control the entry of water into Gaza for the foreseeable future.

But aid groups warn that access to water and other aid could be disrupted again by Israel’s plans to launch a new offensive on some of the last areas outside its military control. Those areas include Gaza City and Muwasi, where a significant portion of Gaza’s population is now concentrated.

In Muwasi’s tent camps, people line up for the sporadic arrivals of water trucks.

Hosni Shaheen, whose family was also displaced from Khan Younis, already sees the water he drinks as a last resort.

“It causes stomach cramps for adults and children, without exception,” he said. 

“You don’t feel safe when your children drink it.”

 


UN says at least 1,760 killed seeking aid in Gaza

UN says at least 1,760 killed seeking aid in Gaza
Updated 15 August 2025

UN says at least 1,760 killed seeking aid in Gaza

UN says at least 1,760 killed seeking aid in Gaza
  • Nearly 1,000 have been killed in the vicinity of Gaza Humanitarian Foundation sites and 766 along routes of supply convoys
  • At least 38 people were killed by Israeli fire on Friday, including 12 who were waiting for humanitarian aid

JERUSALEM: The UN human rights office said Friday that at least 1,760 Palestinians had been killed while seeking aid in Gaza since late May, a jump of several hundred since its last published figure at the beginning of August.
“Since 27 May, and as of 13 August, we have recorded that at least 1,760 Palestinians have been killed while seeking aid; 994 in the vicinity of GHF (Gaza Humanitarian Foundation) sites and 766 along the routes of supply convoys. Most of these killings were committed by the Israeli military,” the agency’s office for the Palestinian territories said in a statement.
That compares with a figure of 1,373 killed the office reported on August 1.
The update came as Gaza’s civil defense agency said at least 38 people were killed by Israeli fire on Friday, including 12 who were waiting for humanitarian aid.
The Israeli military said its troops were working to “dismantle Hamas military capabilities,” adding its forces were taking precautions “to mitigate civilian harm.”
Media restrictions in Gaza and difficulties accessing swathes of the territory mean AFP is unable to independently verify the tolls and details provided by the civil defense agency and the Israeli military.
On Wednesday, the chief of staff of the Israeli military said plans had been approved for a new offensive in Gaza, aimed at defeating Hamas and freeing all the remaining hostages.
The military intends to take control of Gaza City and nearby refugee camps, some of the most densely populated parts of the territory, which has been devastated by more than 22 months of war.
In recent days, Gaza City residents have told AFP of more frequent air strikes targeting residential areas, while earlier this week Hamas denounced “aggressive” Israeli ground incursions in the area.
On Friday, the Israeli military said its troops were conducting a range of operations on the outskirts of the city.
The Israeli government’s plans to expand the war have sparked an international outcry as well as domestic opposition.
UN-backed experts have warned of widespread famine unfolding in the territory, where Israel has drastically curtailed the amount of humanitarian aid it allows in.
Hamas’s October 2023 attack which triggered the war resulted in the deaths of 1,219 people, according to an AFP tally based on official figures.
Israel’s offensive has killed at least 61,827 Palestinians, according to figures from the health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza which the United Nations considers reliable.


UN rights office says Israeli settlement plan breaks international law

UN rights office says Israeli settlement plan breaks international law
Updated 15 August 2025

UN rights office says Israeli settlement plan breaks international law

UN rights office says Israeli settlement plan breaks international law
  • Agency says plans would put nearby Palestinians at risk of forced eviction, which it described as a war crime
  • Israeli far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has vowed to press on with a long-delayed settlement project to “bury” idea of a Palestinian state

The UN human rights office said on Friday an Israeli plan to build to build thousands of new homes between an Israeli settlement in the West Bank and near East Jerusalem was illegal under international law, and would put nearby Palestinians at risk of forced eviction, which it described as a war crime.
Israeli far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich on Thursday vowed to press on a long-delayed settlement project, saying the move would “bury” the idea of a Palestinian state.
The UN rights office spokesperson said the plan would break the West Bank into isolated enclaves and that it was “a war crime for an occupying power to transfer its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.”
About 700,000 Israeli settlers live among 2.7 million Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Israel annexed East Jerusalem in 1980, a move not recognized by most countries, but has not formally extended sovereignty over the West Bank.
Most world powers say settlement expansion erodes the viability of a two-state solution by breaking up territory the Palestinians seek as part of a future independent state.
The two-state plan envisages a Palestinian state in East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza, existing side by side with Israel, which captured all three territories in the 1967 Middle East war.
Israel cites historical and biblical ties to the area and says the settlements provide strategic depth and security and that the West Bank is “disputed” not “occupied.”


Israeli far-right minister Ben Gvir threatens prominent Palestinian inmate Marwan Barghouti

Israeli far-right minister Ben Gvir threatens prominent Palestinian inmate Marwan Barghouti
Updated 15 August 2025

Israeli far-right minister Ben Gvir threatens prominent Palestinian inmate Marwan Barghouti

Israeli far-right minister Ben Gvir threatens prominent Palestinian inmate Marwan Barghouti
  • Marwan Barghouti, a leading member of the Palestinian Fatah party, has spent more than 20 years behind bars
  • Israel considers him a ‘terrorist’ and convicted him over his role in the second intifada, or uprising, from 2000-2005

JERUSALEM: Israel’s far-right national security minister Itamar Ben Gvir published a video on Friday in which he confronts the most high-profile Palestinian detainee in Israeli custody in his prison cell.

Marwan Barghouti, a leading member of the Palestinian Fatah party, has spent more than 20 years behind bars after being sentenced for his role in anti-Israeli attacks in the early 2000s.

In the clip published by Ben Gvir on X, the minister and two other individuals, including a prison guard, surround Barghouti in a corner of his cell.

“You will not defeat us. Whoever harms the people of Israel, whoever kills children, whoever kills women... we will erase them,” Ben Gvir says in Hebrew.

Barghouti tries to respond but is interrupted by Ben Gvir, who says: “No, you know this. And it’s been the case throughout history.”

The video does not specify where Barghouti is currently being held.

Contacted by AFP, sources close to Ben Gvir said the meeting took place “by chance” in Ganot prison in southern Israel during an inspection visit by the minister, but they would not say when the footage was filmed.

“This morning I read that various ‘senior officials’ in the Palestinian Authority didn’t quite like what I said to arch-terrorist Marwan Barghouti – may his name be erased,” Ben Gvir said in the post accompanying the video on Friday morning.

“So I will repeat it again and again, without apology: whoever messes with the people of Israel, whoever murders our children, whoever murders our women – we will wipe them out. With God’s help.”

Barghouti, who is now in his sixties, was arrested in 2002 by Israel and sentenced to life in 2004 on murder charges.

Israel considers him a “terrorist” and convicted him over his role in the second intifada, or uprising, from 2000-2005.

He often tops opinion polls of popular Palestinian leaders and is sometimes described by his supporters as the “Palestinian Mandela.”

In a statement released by the official Palestinian news agency Wafa, the Palestinian Authority’s foreign ministry denounced “an unprecedented provocation” and described the confrontation as “organized state terrorism.”


Hezbollah chief’s remarks stir backlash amid heightened tensions in Lebanon

Hezbollah chief’s remarks stir backlash amid heightened tensions in Lebanon
Updated 15 August 2025

Hezbollah chief’s remarks stir backlash amid heightened tensions in Lebanon

Hezbollah chief’s remarks stir backlash amid heightened tensions in Lebanon
  • Justice minister accuses Sheikh Naim Qassem of wanting to take country down ‘destructive path’
  • Qassem warns disarmament of Hezbollah ‘unacceptable’ step that could ‘lead to civil war’

BEIRUT: Lebanese Justice Minister Adel Nassar accused Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem of contradicting himself following a speech in which the latter threatened escalation if the government attempted to confront or disarm the Iran-backed group.

Nassar said Qassem had previously accepted the ceasefire agreement with Israel and endorsed the ministerial statement affirming the Lebanese state’s exclusive control over arms.

However, in a speech on Friday at a religious ceremony in Baalbek, Qassem openly rejected the disarmament of Hezbollah, calling it “unacceptable” and accusing the government of implementing an “American-Israeli order to eliminate the resistance, even if that leads to civil war and internal strife.”

Speaking to Arab News, Nassar said: “Qassem says he doesn’t want a civil war, but he’s threatening to take to the streets to defend his weapons and holding the state responsible for any clash with the army.”

The justice minister stressed that “the party outside the legitimacy that refuses to surrender its weapons to the state bears responsibility for this.”

Nassar said that either all parties in Lebanon build the state together and stand in solidarity, or engage in a destructive military confrontations. “Hezbollah wants to take us down to a destructive path,” he warned.

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The minister reiterated that Qassem’s speech clashed with the interests of the Lebanese state, which wants to control arms in the country in line with a US-backed plan following Israel’s military campaign against Hezbollah.

The Lebanese Cabinet last week tasked the military with confining weapons only to state security forces, a move that has outraged Hezbollah.

Nassar condemned Qassem’s statements as “totally rejected,” noting that such inflammatory speech from an armed group raised concerns within the Lebanese Armed Forces.

“This is one of the most important reasons that prompted the government to take the decision to restrict the possession of weapons. Attempting to monopolize decision-making and plunge Lebanon into wars is a logic that does not align with the logic of the state,” Nassar said.

Iranian official Ali Larijani visited Lebanon earlier this week and said Tehran does not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, but supports resistance movements.

Nassar criticized the statements as a threat to Lebanon’s security.

In his speech, Qassem thanked Iran for “supporting us with money, weapons, capabilities, and media and political positions.”

He said Hezbollah and the Amal Movement, its Shia Muslim ally, had decided to delay any street protests while there was still scope for talks.

“There is still room for discussion, for adjustments, and for a political resolution before the situation escalates to a confrontation no one wants,” Qassem said.

“But if it is imposed on us, we are ready, and we have no other choice ... At that point, there will be a protest in the street, all across Lebanon, that will reach the American Embassy.”

He held “the Lebanese government fully responsible for any internal strife that might occur,” adding that “we do not want it, but there are those who work for it.”

Qassem said there would be “no life” in Lebanon if the government sought to confront or eliminate the group.

“This is our nation together. We live in dignity together, and we build its sovereignty together — or Lebanon will have no life if you stand on the other side and try to confront us and eliminate us,” he said in his speech.

“Lebanon cannot be built except with all its components.”

A government source told Arab News that Qassem’s “escalating rhetoric” does not concern Lebanon, but rather represents a dialogue between Iran and the US through Hezbollah.

“The Iranians feel that they are no longer part of any settlement in the region they used to control and are now being completely ignored,” the source said.

Qassem’s remarks drew widespread backlash from ministers, lawmakers, and political leaders.

Industry Minister Joe Issa Khoury said: “The decision to go to war is not written in the ink of a sect, but rather signed by the entire nation. The national charter protects it from becoming a tool of one sect over the others. Whoever turns it into a tool of blackmail empties it of its meaning.”

MP George Okais stressed that the ceasefire agreement with Israel was approved by the entire Cabinet, including ministers from Hezbollah and Amal.

“Decisions that affect all Lebanese cannot be made without their consultation, nor imposed under any form of duress,” he added.

MP Raji Al-Saad warned against Qassem’s threat of internal strife, saying his statements represent “a dangerous turning point and constitute a rejection of the establishment of the state and an insistence on keeping Lebanon an arena for Iranian projects.”

MP Ghiath Yazbek said Qassem is “verbally fighting Israel and practically destroying Lebanon after the war paralyzed his party, rendered it ineffective, and turned it into a mere vocal phenomenon.”

He pleaded with the group’s leader to have “mercy on Lebanon.”

Former minister and MP Ashraf Rifi warned Hezbollah against repeating threats of civil war. In a statement, he said the only solution was the state, telling Qassem: “Return to your homeland and end your subservience to Iran, which has begun to collapse in every arena it has entered, based on a historical illusion that has long since passed.”

Beirut MP Ibrahim Mneimneh questioned whether Qassem was being honest with his base. “Does Naim Qassem dare to tell his supporters that disarmament is already underway, and that Hezbollah itself no longer denies it? Enough with gambling with the country and its people,” he said.

Beirut MP Waddah Al-Sadig said: “Civil peace is not a matter of blackmail or sectarian tension, and the lives of the Lebanese are not in the hands of any party, faction, or sect.”

He stressed that moving forward, Lebanon’s lives, security, and prosperity are in the hands of the state. “Civil peace is a national will to protect the people, the army, and the state,” he said.