Syria’s new rulers aim for normalcy one week after Bashar Assad’s fall

Syria’s new rulers aim for normalcy one week after Bashar Assad’s fall
The militants, which for years ruled Idlib in Syria’s northwest, are bringing their brand of governance in the capital. (AFP)
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Updated 15 December 2024

Syria’s new rulers aim for normalcy one week after Bashar Assad’s fall

Syria’s new rulers aim for normalcy one week after Bashar Assad’s fall
  • ‘The new path will have challenges, but that is why we have said Syria is for all and we all have to cooperate’
  • The militants sought to bring order in Damascus by replicating the structure of its governance in Idlib

DAMASCUS: At Damascus’ international airport, the new head of security – one of the militants who marched across Syria to the capital – arrived with his team. The few maintenance workers who showed up for work huddled around Maj Hamza Al-Ahmed, eager to learn what will happen next.
They quickly unloaded all the complaints they had been too afraid to express during the rule of President Bashar Assad, which now, inconceivably, is over.
They told the bearded fighter they were denied promotions and perks in favor of pro-Assad favorites, and that bosses threatened them with prison for working too slowly. They warned of hardcore Assad supporters among airport staff, ready to return whenever the facility reopens.
As Al-Ahmed tried to reassure them, Osama Najm, an engineer, announced: “This is the first time we talk.”
This was the first week of Syria’s transformation after Assad’s unexpected fall.
Militants, suddenly in charge, met a population bursting with emotions: excitement at new freedoms; grief over years of repression; and hopes, expectations and worries about the future. Some were overwhelmed to the point of tears.
The transition has been surprisingly smooth. Reports of reprisals, revenge killings and sectarian violence have been minimal. Looting and destruction have been quickly contained, insurgent fighters disciplined. On Saturday, people went about their lives as usual in the capital, Damascus. Only a single van of fighters was seen.
There are a million ways it could go wrong.
The country is broken and isolated after five decades of Assad family rule. Families have been torn apart by war, former prisoners are traumatized by the brutalities they suffered, tens of thousands of detainees remain missing. The economy is wrecked, poverty is widespread, inflation and unemployment are high. Corruption seeps through daily life.
But in this moment of flux, many are ready to feel out the way ahead.
At the airport, Al-Ahmed told the staffers: “The new path will have challenges, but that is why we have said Syria is for all and we all have to cooperate.”
The militants have so far said all the right things, Najm said. “But we will not be silent about anything wrong again.”
Idlib comes to Damascus
At a torched police station, pictures of Assad were torn down and files destroyed after insurgents entered the city Dec. 8. All Assad-era police and security personnel have vanished.
On Saturday, the building was staffed by 10 men serving in the police force of the militants’ de facto “salvation government,” which for years governed the militant enclave of Idlib in Syria’s northwest.
The militant policemen watch over the station, dealing with reports of petty thefts and street scuffles. One woman complains that her neighbors sabotaged her power supply. A policeman tells her to wait for courts to start operating again.
“It will take a year to solve problems” he mumbled.
The militants sought to bring order in Damascus by replicating the structure of its governance in Idlib. But there is a problem of scale. One of the policemen estimates the number of militant police at only around 4,000; half are based in Idlib and the rest are tasked with maintaining security in Damascus and elsewhere. Some experts estimate the insurgents’ total fighting force at around 20,000.
Right now, the fighters and the public are learning about each other.
The fighters drive large SUVs and newer models of vehicles that are out of reach for most residents in Damascus, where they cost 10 times as much because of custom duties and bribes. The fighters carry Turkish lira, long forbidden in government-held areas, rather than the plunging Syrian pound.
Most of the bearded fighters hail from conservative, provincial areas. Many are hard-line Islamists.
The main insurgent force, Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, has renounced its Al-Qaeda past, and its leaders are working to reassure Syria’s religious and ethnic communities that the future will be pluralist and tolerant.
But many Syrians remain suspicious. Some fighters sport ribbons with Islamist slogans on their uniforms and not all of them belong to HTS, the most organized group.
“The people we see on the streets, they don’t represent us,” said Hani Zia, a Damascus resident from the southern city of Daraa, where the 2011 anti-Assad uprising began. He was concerned by reports of attacks on minorities and revenge killings.
“We should be fearful,” he said, adding that he worries some insurgents feel superior to other Syrians because of their years of fighting. “With all due respect to those who sacrificed, we all sacrificed.”
Still, fear is not prevalent in Damascus, where many insist they will no longer let themselves be oppressed.
Some restaurants have resumed openly serving alcohol, others more discretely to test the mood.
At a sidewalk café in the historic Old City’s Christian quarter, men were drinking beer when a fighter patrol passed by. The men turned to each other, uncertain, but the fighters did nothing. When a man waving a gun harassed a liquor store elsewhere in the Old City, the militant police arrested him, one policeman said.
Salem Hajjo, a theater teacher who participated in the 2011 protests, said he doesn’t agree with the militants’ Islamist views, but is impressed at their experience in running their own affairs. And he expects to have a voice in the new Syria.
“We have never been this at ease,” he said. “The fear is gone. The rest is up to us.”
The fighters make a concerted effort to reassure
On the night after Assad’s fall, gunmen roamed the streets, celebrating victory with deafening gunfire. Some security agency buildings were torched. People ransacked the airport’s duty free, smashing all the bottles of liquor. The militants blamed some of this on fleeing government loyalists.
The public stayed indoors, peeking out at the newcomers. Shops shut down.
Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham moved to impose order, ordering a nighttime curfew for three days. It banned celebratory gunfire and moved fighters to protect properties.
After a day, people began to emerge.
For tens of thousands, their first destination was Assad’s prisons, particularly Saydnaya on the capital’s outskirts, to search for loved ones who disappeared years ago. Few have found any traces.
It was wrenching but also unifying. Militants, some of them also searching, mingled with relatives of the missing in the dark halls of prisons that all had feared for years.
During celebrations in the street, gunmen invited children to hop up on their armored vehicles. Insurgents posed for photos with women, some with their hair uncovered. Pro-revolution songs blared from cars. Suddenly shops and walls everywhere are plastered with revolutionary flags and posters of activists killed by Assad’s state.
TV stations didn’t miss a beat, flipping from praising Assad to playing revolutionary songs. State media aired the flurry of declarations issued by the new insurgent-led transitional government.
The new administration called on people to go back to work and urged Syrian refugees around the world to return to help rebuild. It announced plans to rehabilitate and vet the security forces to prevent the return of “those with blood on their hands.” Fighters reassured airport staffers – many of them government loyalists – that their homes won’t be attacked, one employee said.
But Syria’s woes are far from being resolved.
While produce prices plunged after Assad’s fall, because merchants no longer needed to pay hefty customs fees and bribes, fuel distribution was badly disrupted, jacking up transportation costs and causing widespread and lengthy blackouts.
Officials say they want to reopen the airport as soon as possible and this week maintenance crews inspected a handful of planes on the tarmac. Cleaners removed trash, wrecked furniture and merchandise.
One cleaner, who identified himself only as Murad, said he earns the equivalent of $15 a month and has six children to feed, including one with a disability. He dreams of getting a mobile phone.
“We need a long time to clean this up,” he said.


Trump administration wants to end the UN peacekeeping in Lebanon. Europe is pushing back

Trump administration wants to end the UN peacekeeping in Lebanon. Europe is pushing back
Updated 5 sec ago

Trump administration wants to end the UN peacekeeping in Lebanon. Europe is pushing back

Trump administration wants to end the UN peacekeeping in Lebanon. Europe is pushing back
  • The divide is the latest issue to vex relations between the US and several of its key partners as the Trump administration moves drastically to pare down its foreign affairs priorities and budget
  • The multinational force has played a significant role in monitoring the security situation in southern Lebanon for decades, including during the war last year
WASHINGTON: The future of UN peacekeepers in Lebanon has split the United States and its European allies, raising implications for security in the Middle East and becoming the latest snag to vex relations between the US and key partners like France, Britain and Italy.
At issue is the peacekeeping operation known as UNIFIL, whose mandate expires at the end of August and will need to be renewed by the UN Security Council to continue. It was created to oversee the withdrawal of Israeli troops from southern Lebanon after Israel’s 1978 invasion, and its mission was expanded following the monthlong 2006 war between Israel and the militant group Hezbollah.
The multinational force has played a significant role in monitoring the security situation in southern Lebanon for decades, including during the Israel-Hezbollah war last year, but has drawn criticism from both sides and numerous US lawmakers, some of whom now hold prominent roles in President Donald Trump’s administration or wield new influence with the White House.
Trump administration political appointees came into office this year with the aim of shutting down UNIFIL as soon as possible. They regard the operation as an ineffectual waste of money that is merely delaying the goal of eliminating Hezbollah’s influence and restoring full security control to the Lebanese Armed Forces that the government says it is not yet capable of doing.
After securing major cuts in US funding to the peacekeeping force, Secretary of State Marco Rubio signed off early last week on a plan that would wind down and end UNIFIL in the next six months, according to Trump administration officials and congressional aides familiar with the discussions.
It’s another step as the Trump administration drastically pares back its foreign affairs priorities and budget, including expressing skepticism of international alliances and cutting funding to UN agencies and missions. The transatlantic divide also has been apparent on issues ranging from Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza and the Russia-Ukraine conflict to trade, technology and free speech issues.
Europeans push back against a quick end to UN peacekeeping in Lebanon
Israel has for years sought an end to UNIFIL’s mandate, and renewal votes have often come after weeks of political wrangling. Now, the stakes are particularly high after last year’s war and more vigorous opposition in Washington.
European nations, notably France and Italy, have objected to winding down UNIFIL. With the support of Tom Barrack, US ambassador to Turkiye and envoy to Lebanon, they successfully lobbied Rubio and others to support a one-year extension of the peacekeeping mandate followed by a time-certain wind-down period of six months, according to the administration officials and congressional aides, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss private diplomatic negotiations.
Israel also reluctantly agreed to an extension, they said.
The European argument was that prematurely ending UNIFIL before the Lebanese army is able to fully secure the border area would create a vacuum that Hezbollah could easily exploit.
The French noted that when a UN peacekeeping mission in Mali was terminated before government troops were ready to deal with security threats, Islamic extremists moved in.
With the US easing off, the issue ahead of the UN vote expected at the end of August now appears to be resistance by France and others to setting a firm deadline for the operation to end after the one-year extension, according to the officials and congressional aides.
French officials did not respond to requests for comment.
The final French draft resolution, obtained by The Associated Press, does not include a date for UNIFIL’s withdrawal, which US officials say is required for their support. Instead, it would extend the peacekeeping mission for one year and indicates the UN Security Council’s “intention to work on a withdrawal.”
But even if the mandate is renewed, the peacekeeping mission might be scaled down for financial reasons, with the UN system likely facing drastic budget cuts, said a UN official, who was not authorized to comment to the media and spoke on condition of anonymity.
One of the US officials said an option being considered was reducing UNIFIL’s numbers while boosting its technological means to monitor the situation on the ground.
The peacekeeping force has faced criticism
There are about 10,000 peacekeepers in southern Lebanon, while the Lebanese army has around 6,000 soldiers, a number that is supposed to increase to 10,000.
Hezbollah supporters in Lebanon have frequently accused the UN mission of collusion with Israel and sometimes attacked peacekeepers on patrol. Israel, meanwhile, has accused the peacekeepers of turning a blind eye to Hezbollah’s military activities in southern Lebanon and lobbied for its mandate to end.
Sarit Zehavi, a former Israeli military intelligence analyst and founder of the Israeli think tank Alma Research and Education Center, said UNIFIL has played a “damaging role with regard to the mission of disarming Hezbollah in south Lebanon.”
She pointed to the discovery of Hezbollah tunnels and weapons caches close to UNIFIL facilities during and after last year’s Israel-Hezbollah war, when much of the militant group’s senior leadership was killed and much of its arsenal destroyed. Hezbollah is now under increasing pressure to give up the rest of its weapons.
UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said UNIFIL continues to discover unauthorized weapons, including rocket launchers, mortar rounds and bomb fuses, this week, which it reported to the Lebanese army.
Under the US- and France-brokered ceasefire, Israel and Hezbollah were to withdraw from southern Lebanon, with the Lebanese army taking control in conjunction with UNIFIL. Israel has continued to occupy five strategic points on the Lebanese side and carry out near-daily airstrikes that it says aim to stop Hezbollah from regrouping.
Lebanon supports keeping UN peacekeepers
Lebanese officials have called for UNIFIL to remain, saying the country’s cash-strapped and overstretched army is not yet able to patrol the full area on its own until it.
Retired Lebanese Army Gen. Khalil Helou said that if UNIFIL’s mandate were to abruptly end, soldiers would need to be pulled away from the porous border with Syria, where smuggling is rife, or from other areas inside of Lebanon — “and this could have consequences for the stability” of the country.
UNIFIL “is maybe not fulfilling 100 percent what the Western powers or Israel desire. But for Lebanon, their presence is important,” he said.
The United Nations also calls the peacekeepers critical to regional stability, Dujarric said.
UNIFIL spokesperson Andrea Tenenti said deciding on the renewal of the mandate is the prerogative of the UN Security Council.
“We are here to assist the parties in implementation of the mission’s mandate and we’re waiting for the final decision,” he said.

Why food security in the Middle East is slipping even as global numbers improve

Why food security in the Middle East is slipping even as global numbers improve
Updated 17 August 2025

Why food security in the Middle East is slipping even as global numbers improve

Why food security in the Middle East is slipping even as global numbers improve
  • Conflict, inflation, currency crises, and heavy import reliance are driving the Middle East’s divergence from global food security improvements
  • Even when global food prices ease, Middle Eastern households often see little relief due to supply chain and currency shocks, says UN report

DUBAI: Global hunger edged down last year, but not in the Middle East. That divergence — driven by conflict, inflation, currency stress, and a heavy reliance on imports — is reshaping food security across Western Asia and North Africa, even as other regions recover.

According to “The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World” report published recently by five UN agencies, 8.2 percent of the global population experienced hunger in 2024, down from 8.5 percent in 2023.

But the headline hides widening regional gaps. In Africa, more than 20 percent of people — 307 million — faced hunger in 2024. In Western Asia, which includes several Middle Eastern countries, 12.7 percent of the population, or more than 39 million people, were affected.

Infographic from the UN's "The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World" report

The contrast with other parts of Asia is striking. “Improvements in South-Eastern and Southern Asia were largely driven by economic recovery, better affordability of healthy diets, and stronger social protection systems,” David Laborde, director of the Agrifood Economics Division at the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, told Arab News.

That rebound has not reached the Middle East evenly. He noted that while “high income countries” like the UAE or are exempt from any major food insecurities, “the rest of the region and particularly conflict-affected countries (like Lebanon and Syria) are contributors to the rising hunger trend due to displacement, disrupted supply chains, and economic vulnerability.”

Nowhere is the food crisis more acute than Gaza, where war has devastated basic systems. A recent assessment by FAO and the UN Satellite Centre found that only 1.5 percent of cropland is currently available for cultivation, down from 4.6 percent in April 2025.

Palestinians rush to queue in line at a charity kitchen in the Mawasi area of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on July 22, 2025. (AFP)

Put differently, 98.5 percent of cropland is damaged, inaccessible, or both — a staggering figure in a territory of more than 2 million people.

The data, published in July, landed amid warnings from UN agencies of an impending famine. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification reported that two of the three official indicators used to determine famine conditions were present in parts of the strip.

FAO, the World Food Programme, and UNICEF have cautioned that time is rapidly running out to mount a full-scale response, as nearly a quarter of Gaza’s population is enduring famine-like conditions, while the remainder face emergency levels of hunger.

Palestinian agricultural engineer Yusef Abu Rabie, 24, tends to his plants on July 18, 2024, at a makeshift nursery he built next to the rubble of his home in Beit Lahia in northern Gaza, that was destroyed during Israeli bombardment, amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas. (AFP)

The report does not break down the impact of individual conflicts, but Laborde is blunt about the drivers. Conditions are getting worse because of “persistent structural vulnerabilities, which include conflict, economic instability, and limited access to affordable food.”

He added: “This region has seen a continued rise in hunger, with the prevalence of undernourishment increasing to 12.7 in 2024, up from previous years.”

Those structural weaknesses — exposure to war, import dependence, currency fragility — collided with a series of global shocks. The report cites the COVID‑19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine as major triggers of global food commodity price spikes in 2021-22.

A destroyed Russian tank sits in a snow covered wheat field in Kharkiv region on February 22, 2023, amid Russia's military invasion on Ukraine. (AFP/File)

Some pressures have eased, but inflation’s aftershocks persist, especially where budgets and safety nets are already thin.

According to Laborde, the countries struggling most are those where “real wages have declined the most, food price inflation has surged, and access to healthy diets have deteriorated.”

He added: “Low-income and lower-middle-income countries, many of which are in the MENA region, have experienced food price inflation above 10 percent, which is strongly associated with rising food insecurity and child malnutrition.”

Palestinians, mostly children, push to receive a hot meal at a charity kitchen in the Mawasi area of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on July 22, 2025. (AFP)

For Middle Eastern economies that import a large share of their food, price spikes hit with particular force. Beyond war and pandemic disruptions, Laborde points to “climate shocks in key bread baskets have led to higher food prices.

“For countries that were able to compensate for this food price increase through higher revenue from energy product sales, also impacted by the same crisis, the blow was limited.

“However, for the countries with more limited revenue” from exports of oil and natural gas, “the situation was more difficult to handle.”

IN NUMBERS

39 million People in Western Asia who experienced hunger in 2024, according to FAO.

98.5% Cropland in Gaza that has been damaged or rendered inaccessible by war.

If the region’s import bill is the first vulnerability, exchange rates are the second. The report highlights exchange-rate fluctuations and local currency depreciation as critical, non‑commodity drivers of food inflation.

This is especially relevant for “import-dependent economies (such as Western Asia) where a weaker local currency increases the cost of imported food and agricultural inputs,” said Laborde.

“When local currencies depreciate, the cost of these imports rises, directly affecting consumer prices and worsening food insecurity.”

Egyptian farmers harvest wheat in Bamha village near al-Ayyat town in Giza province. (AFP)

Egypt offers a case study. Heavy reliance on wheat imports from Russia and Ukraine, combined with a severe foreign currency shortage, has driven food prices far beyond wage growth since mid‑2022.

In practical terms, “a shortage of foreign currency has made it more difficult to pay for imports, leading to higher import costs in local currency terms, rising consumer food prices, and reduced affordability of healthy diets for households,” Laborde said.

The result: Egyptians’ food purchasing power fell by 30 percent between the third quarter of 2022 and the last quarter of 2024.

Water levels at Iraq's vast Dukan Dam reservoir have plummeted as a result of dwindling rains and further damming upstream, hitting millions of inhabitants -- already impacted by drought -- with stricter water rationing. (AFP)

Similar pressures are visible elsewhere. Syria, Yemen, and Iraq have recorded significant declines in real food wages since 2020, with unskilled wages still below early‑2020 levels — a reflection of persistent instability and the difficulty of rebuilding labor markets amid conflict.

Even when global prices cool, the Middle East does not always feel the relief. The region’s supply chains remain vulnerable to disrupted trade routes, heightened uncertainty in grain markets linked to the war in Ukraine, and hostilities in the Red Sea.

For countries like Egypt, these pressures feed directly into the food import bill, particularly for wheat — a staple with no easy substitute.

In an import‑dependent context, each additional week of shipping delays, insurance surcharges, or currency slippage translates into higher prices for bread, cooking oil, and other essentials.

An Egyptian woman bake bread in a traditional clay oven in the Giza governorate's village of Abu Sir, some 25Km south of Cairo on February 12, 2025. (AFP)

The report also flags a quieter, but consequential, problem: market power. In theory, competitive markets transmit falling global prices quickly to consumers. In practice, market power — the ability of firms to influence prices or supply — can mute or delay those benefits.

Since 2022, many low- and lower‑middle‑income countries have experienced persistent inflation even as world prices cooled, suggesting domestic frictions at play.

These “distortions have been observed since 2022” and are “especially relevant in import-dependent regions like Western Asia and North Africa, where currency depreciation, limited competition, and supply chain bottlenecks can further entrench inflation,” Laborde said.

Syrian firefighters use water cannon to extinguish a fire in a wheat field outside Qamishli in northeastern Syria, on June 2, 2025. The crop destruction has worsened the struggling nation's food supply shortage. (AFP)

Beyond statistics, the social toll is mounting. Rising food prices hit the poorest households first, forcing trade‑offs between calories and quality — cheaper, less nutritious staples displacing diverse diets rich in protein and micronutrients.

That is why sustained double‑digit food inflation correlates with child malnutrition and worsens long‑term health outcomes, from anemia to stunting.

The consequences can also be gendered. In many Middle Eastern and North African contexts, women — who often manage household food budgets — absorb inflation by skipping meals or cutting their own portions to feed children.

Infographic from the UN's "The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World" report

When real wages drop and informal work dries up, coping strategies erode quickly.

All of this threatens the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, especially its aims to end hunger, achieve food security and improve nutrition, and promote sustainable agriculture.

With the deadline fast approaching, Laborde urges governments to “stabilize food prices and protect vulnerable populations” by prioritizing “integrated fiscal and trade policy reforms,” delivered through “time-bound, targeted fiscal measures.”

These include “temporary tax relief on essential foods, scaled-up social protection (e.g. cash transfers) indexed to inflation and ensuring benefits reach consumers through transparent monitoring.”
 

 


Israeli military prepares to relocate residents to southern Gaza, spokesperson says

Israeli military prepares to relocate residents to southern Gaza, spokesperson says
Updated 16 August 2025

Israeli military prepares to relocate residents to southern Gaza, spokesperson says

Israeli military prepares to relocate residents to southern Gaza, spokesperson says
  • UN and relief groups to assist with relocation logistics
  • Hamas demands independent state for disarmament

GAZA: The Israeli military will provide Gaza residents with tents and other equipment starting from Sunday ahead of relocating them from combat zones to “safe” ones in the south of the enclave, military spokesperson Avichay Adraee said on Saturday.

This comes days after Israel said it intended to launch a new offensive to seize control of northern Gaza City, the enclave’s largest urban center, in a plan that raised international alarm over the fate of the demolished strip, home to about 2.2 million people.

The equipment will be transferred via the Israeli crossing of Kerem Shalom by the United Nations and other international relief organizations after being thoroughly inspected by defense ministry personnel, Adraee added in a post on X.

Israel’s COGAT, the military agency that coordinates aid, did not immediately respond to a request for comment on whether the preparations were part of the new plan.

Taking over the city of about one million Palestinians complicates ceasefire efforts to end the nearly two-year war, as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu follows through with his plan to take on Hamas’ two remaining strongholds.

Netanyahu said Israel had no choice but to complete the job and defeat Hamas as the Palestinian militant group has refused to lay down its arms.

Hamas said it would not disarm unless an independent Palestinian state was established.

Israel already controls about 75 percent of Gaza.

The war began when Hamas attacked southern Israel in October 2023, killing 1,200 and taking about 250 hostages, according to Israeli tallies. Israeli authorities say 20 of the remaining 50 hostages in Gaza are alive.

Israel’s subsequent military assault has killed over 61,000 Palestinians, Gaza’s health ministry says.

It has also caused a hunger crisis, internally displaced Gaza’s entire population and prompted accusations of genocide at the International Court of Justice and of war crimes at the International Criminal Court. Israel denies the accusations.


Paramilitary group in Sudan shells famine-stricken camp in Darfur, killing 31 people

Paramilitary group in Sudan shells famine-stricken camp in Darfur, killing 31 people
Updated 16 August 2025

Paramilitary group in Sudan shells famine-stricken camp in Darfur, killing 31 people

Paramilitary group in Sudan shells famine-stricken camp in Darfur, killing 31 people
  • Sudan’s civil war broke out in April 2023 over a power struggle between commanders of the military and the RSF

CAIRO: A paramilitary fighting against Sudan’s military shelled a famine-stricken displacement camp in the western region of Dafur Saturday, killing at least 31 people, including seven children and a pregnant woman, a medical group said, in a second attack on the camp in less than a week.

The Rapid Support Forces artillery shelling of the Abu Shouk camp outside El-Fasher, the provincial capital of North Darfur province, also wounded 13 others, the Sudan Doctors Network said in a statement.

The Resistance Committees in el-Fasher, a grassroots group tracking the war, said RSF launched an hours-long “extensive artillery shelling” on the camp early morning.

It said in a Facebook post that the attack also resulted in severe damage to private properties and the camp’s infrastructure.

The RSF didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

The RSF attacked Abu Shouk last week and killed more than 40 people, as the paramilitaries have tried to seize el-Fasher, the military’s last stronghold in Darfur.

Abu-Shouk is one of two camps for displaced people outside El-Fasher. They have repeatedly been attacked by the RSF and their Janjwaeed allies, including a major offensive in April which killed hundreds of people and forced hundreds of thousands others to flee. Both camps Abu Shouk and Zamzam have been hit by famine.

Sudan’s civil war broke out in April 2023 over a power struggle between commanders of the military and the RSF. The fighting wrecked the Northeastern African country, forced about 14 million people out of their homes, and pushed some of its parts into famine.

Thousands of people were killed in the conflict and there have been atrocities, including mass killings and rape, particularly in Darfur. The International Criminal Court is investigating potential crimes and crimes against humanity in the conflict.


Jordanian business chief hails EU as key partner in supporting Jordan’s economy

Jordanian business chief hails EU as key partner in supporting Jordan’s economy
Updated 16 August 2025

Jordanian business chief hails EU as key partner in supporting Jordan’s economy

Jordanian business chief hails EU as key partner in supporting Jordan’s economy
  • Partnership a ‘living model of constructive cooperation,’ says Ali Murad
  • Financial aid, investments highlight Brussels’ support for Jordan’s economic goals

AMMAN: The EU remains one of Jordan’s most important economic partners, playing a vital role in supporting the country’s economy through financial assistance, grants, and investments, Jordanian European Business Association President Ali Murad said on Saturday.

Murad described the Jordan-EU partnership as a “living model of constructive cooperation” that has helped Jordan confront economic crises amid regional and international challenges, the Jordan News Agency reported.

He also praised King Abdullah II’s “great efforts” to strengthen cooperation, particularly in the economic sector.

The JEBA president said that the partnership has witnessed “remarkable development” since the signing of a strategic agreement earlier this year, reflecting the EU’s commitment to supporting Jordan’s economic goals.

On Wednesday, the Cabinet approved a financing agreement and memorandum of understanding covering €500 million ($585 million) in EU financial assistance, part of a €3 billion package agreed for 2025–2027.

The package, signed in the presence of King Abdullah in January, includes €640 million in grants, €1.4 billion in investments, and around €1 billion in macroeconomic support.

“Through this financial package, the EU demonstrates its commitment to strengthening the strategic partnership with Jordan and its appreciation for the Kingdom’s pivotal role in the region,” Murad said.

He added that the agreement was a “significant step” in advancing Jordan-EU ties, with positive impacts expected on the national economy and treasury as implementation begins.

According to official data, trade between Jordan and the EU reached JD1.129 billion ($1.6 billion) in the first four months of 2025, up from JD1.025 billion during the same period last year.

National exports to EU markets rose 14.4 percent to JD143 million, compared with JD125 million a year earlier.