When Iran-backed Houthis descended on Aden, the Saudi-led coalition intervened
 

Al-Mukalla, YEMEN: On March 22, 2015, Abdul Malik Al-Houthi, the leader of Yemen鈥檚 Iran-backed Houthi militia, appeared on TV calling for a general mobilization of fighters to expel Al-Qaeda and Daesh militants.

Two days earlier, more than 100 people had been killed by three suicide bombs detonated in mosques in the Yemeni capital Sanaa, which had been seized by the Houthis in September 2014. Responsibility for the attacks was claimed by the Yemeni branch of Daesh.

Here in Yemen, however, we knew that the Houthi leader鈥檚 real objective was to finally defeat Yemeni President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi, who after the fall of Sanaa had decamped to Aden, now the country鈥檚 temporary capital.

A day before the Houthi leader鈥檚 call to arms, Hadi had given a defiant speech in which he vowed to raise the Yemeni flag inside the northwestern city of Saada, heartland of the Houthi insurgency, and to challenge Iran鈥檚 designs in Yemen.

I watched both speeches and sensed that a major showdown between the forces of the two leaders was inevitable. The Houthi leader鈥檚 speech coincided with the seizure by his forces of Taiz, Yemen鈥檚 third-largest city, and their continuing march toward the southern provinces that were Hadi鈥檚 fiefdom.

Hadi was aware that the Houthis outnumbered and outgunned his ragtag forces, so he despatched his foreign minister to appeal on TV for military intervention from the neighboring Gulf states.

鈥淭he main aim of the military operations in Yemen currently is to cut off the major supply routes of the Houthis, a senior defense official said on Friday.鈥�

From a story by Mohammed Al-Sulami on Arab News鈥� front page, March 28, 2015

Hadi received an immediate shot in the arm when on March 22, the UN Security Council reaffirmed 鈥渋ts strong commitment to the unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Yemen,鈥� and 鈥渃ondemned the ongoing unilateral actions taken by the Houthis that were undermining the political transition process and jeopardizing the country鈥檚 security and stability.鈥�

But the strongly worded statement did not stop the Houthis鈥� march toward Aden. As a Yemeni reporter who had been following the crisis since day one, I knew there was one man whose influence was inspiring the Houthis鈥� ruthless pursuit of Hadi: Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had been Yemen鈥檚 president for three decades before he stepped down in February 2012 after months of turmoil in the country inspired by the Arab Spring protests.

Saleh was succeeded by Hadi, his deputy for 18 years. But even after leaving office, Saleh continued to exercise considerable influence over army units, facilitating the rapid military expansion of the Houthis.

This influence continued even after Saleh鈥檚 assassination in 2017 by the Houthis, following the collapse of the alliance between the two. Hadi later said when Saleh had stepped down as president, he had handed over only the flag of Yemen, and the army had ignored his successor鈥檚 orders to fight the Houthis.

Shortly after the Houthi leader鈥檚 speech, convoys of his troops descended on Aden, and given the speed of their expansion in northern Yemen, observers knew that they were poised to take the city and might capture Hadi for the second time.

Hadi, meanwhile, had scrambled to bring together local tribesmen and remnants of army troops under the command of his Defense Minister Mohammed Mahmoud Al-Soubaihi. The continuing influence of Saleh鈥檚 grip on the army, however, was all too visible as military units in Dhale, Lahj, Abyan and Shabwa that had long been under the former president鈥檚 command threw their weight behind marching Houthi forces, smoothing their way to reach the outskirts of Aden within days.

The implications of the Houthi military expansion were huge. The civil war had allowed Al-Qaeda and Daesh to expand in southern provinces when thousands of army troops and other security forces had abandoned their positions to fight along with the Houthis.

Experts here told me at the time even that Saleh and the Houthis were behind the resurrection of Al-Qaeda and Daesh to discredit Hadi and create a rationale for invading Aden and neighboring provinces.

The civil war has disrupted the implementation of outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference. Starting on March 18, 2013, the conference brought together all Yemeni factions, including the Houthis, who agreed on solutions to the country鈥檚 many thorny issues.

The conference, which concluded on Jan. 22, 2014, approved a plan to divide the country into six semi-autonomous regions. But with the Houthis on the verge of seizing control of the whole country on March 22, 2015, it was impossible to put this plan into action.

The other consequence of the Houthis鈥� military activities has been the introduction of an unprecedented religious divide in Yemen鈥檚 political dialogue. Wars in the country had long been seen as competitions between different political or tribal forces. But when the Houthis, a Shiite group seeking to invade the Sunni-dominated south, it was to the sound of a new sectarian discourse.

At the peak of national frustration, relief came from the sky

Saeed Al-Batati

For days, as the Houthis crushed tribal and military resistance on their way to Aden, seizing control of the city鈥檚 airport on March 25, citizens and army commanders alike despaired that anything could blunt their advance. Hadi fled the country, and military officers who confided in me spoke of reverting to insurgency tactics rather than facing the superior Houthi forces in conventional battles.

Then, at the peak of national frustration, relief came from the sky. On March 26, 2015, an overjoyed military officer who had been a source of mine for more than a year called me at about 3 a.m., unable to wait until daylight to tell me the news. 鈥淪aeed, wake up! The Saudis have begun bombing the Houthis in Aden,鈥� he said. 鈥淣ow we can regroup and fight them off.鈥�

It has not, of course, been quite that simple. Despite the intervention of the Saudi-led coalition, the civil war that began on March 22, 2015, continues, claiming the lives of thousands of Yemenis, causing the world鈥檚 worst humanitarian crisis, and further splintering an already divided nation.

• Saeed Al-Batati is a Yemeni journalist based in the southern port city of Al-Mukalla who covers Yemen for Arab News. Twitter: @saeedalBatati